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31 January 1930.  Statement of Schoolmaster J. Salomé Herrera, Colón Valley, on Death of Bandit Jefe Dionisio Arteta.

Dionisio Arteta, whose violent death is described here, was probably not Sandinista.  Instead he appears to have been chief of a criminal gang -- an actual bandit -- active in the Colón Valley just south of Yalí.  In the two decades prior to 1930, the Colón Valley and adjacent hinterlands in the Yalí district had seen rapid coffee expansion and the formation of a rural wage labor force.  It was a zone populated by many poor, propertyless, socially discontented men.  The rebellion spawned not only local groups allied with Sandino and committed to the cause of national liberation (or at least local liberation) from the US occupation.  It also spawned gangs of robbers and criminals.  The manner of Arteta's death, described by the local schoolmaster, suggests some of the dangers commonly facing both types of local jefes, Sandinista and criminal.  Criminal jefes suffered a huge disadvantage:  they did not enjoy the support of the broad swath of the rural populace.  The Sandinistas did.  Here we see that Arteta's limited support was based mainly on his kinship relations in the Colón-Rinconada area.

 

Liquor, music, dance, guns, robberies, loot, betrayal -- in these times of war and rebellion, Las Segovias had become a very dangerous world.

 

Street boy, Telpaneca, ca. 1929. 

Carl P. Eldred Papers, Marine Corps Historical Center, Washington D.C.

 

 

STATEMENT OF SENOR J. SALOME HERRERA re DEATH OF DION ARTETA [DIONISIO ARTETA]: --

 

     I am the Director and Professor in the Casa Local de La Escuela Local in the Valley of El Carrizo, and the owner of the school house is senor Silverio Arteta.  At about ten p.m. on the night of January 1, 1930, there came to my school house a group of 20 bandits, the jefe of whom was Dionicio Arteta.  They sang and danced and played guitars until about 4:30 a.m. on the morning of January 2, 1930.

 

     The Jefe of the bandit group was sleeping on a table during all this time, but about 4:30 a.m. one of the bandits took the pistol away from Dionicio Arteta and placed it in his own holster, while Arteta was still sleeping.

 

     Shortly after this, Arteta woke up and gave the order to march, but the rest of the bandit group all stated that they would not go any further, or belong to his group any longer.  During an argument which followed, the bandits fired five shots at their jefe, three of which entered his body, killing him instantly.  The argument was over the division of some articles which the group had stolen, but I do not know what it was.  I only know three of the group, the dead jefe, one Quintero Tiburcio, and a man named Rodriguez.  Tiburcio lives at Quilali, but Rodriguez has no home.  The Guardia arrived and took the body to Esteli.  That is all that I know. ...

 

IR30.01.31: 20.  RG127/43A/4

 

 

 

Additional References to Dionisio Arteta

 


 

1.  B-2 Report, Managua, 11 November 1929  (IR29.11.11, NA127/209/1)

... A small band under Domingo Arteta passed one-half league South of Concordia on the 3rd [of November 1929] ...   [ p. 2 ]

 

... From Guardia Jinotega:  "Lieutenant Krebbs thirty nine reports ten bandits robbed Santiago and Unico Gutierrez at Sabeli three leagues south of San Rafael at five p.m. 1st [November] stop they cleared in the direction of Trinidad at five a.m. of the 2nd stop Stevens at Concordia reports eight bandits under Domingo Arteta [Dionisio Arteta] with Pablo Valdora [Pablo Valdivia] and one other as prisoners passed half league south of Concordia at one thousand (10 a.m.) on the third stop they were armed with rifles and pistols stop Erskine 18203 Nov. 29."  [ p. 6 ]

2.  R-2 Report, Managua, 12 December 1929  (IR29.12.17, NA127/209/1)

... From CO Esteli 4 December:  Lt. Farrar and four men cleared for Limay.  Donico Arteta [Dionisio Arteta] is jefe of small group of twelve reported to be in vicinity of San Vicente.  Names of people forming this group are:  Jose Dolores Blandon, Angel Arteta, Secundino Hernandez, Bernardo Quintero, Pablo Valdivia, Pedro Rodriguez, Felix Rodriguez, Juan Gutierrez Rodriguez.  These men live around Colon and the Rio Negro.  Have no property and hide around Zapote near Concordia and Miraflores Mountains.  They are part-time bandits.  Have made many efforts to get these people but they are all related to people around Rinconada and Colon who hide them. ... [ p. 4 ]

3.  R-2 Report, Managua, 18 January 1930  (IR30.01.18, NA127/209/1)

... From Intelligence Report Ocotal 4 January:  Dionisio Aciona Arteta, jefe of a small group operating in the vicinity of Colon, was killed by his bandit group on the night of the 1st of January.  Several people, including the Administrator of Rents of Esteli, identified the body.  His death occurred during a fight over the distribution of money and other articles which the group had stolen.

 

From CO Esteli 3 January:  The body of Dionisio Arteta, jefe of a small bandit group which has been operating recently in vicinity of Colon and who was reported to have been killed by his bandit group at El Carrizo on night of 1 January to this office, arrived Esteli at 0700 with Guardia patrol sent to investigate reported death of the bandit jefe.  Dionisio Arteta was killed at the house of Luciano Arteta, at Carrizo over distribution of money and other articles which the group had stolen.  He was shot three times; once through the neck and twice through the heart.  Arteta was identified by Simon Rodriguez, Administrator de Rentas of Esteli; Julian Moreno; Fito Mairena; Manuel Montoya; and Guseleio Arteta and identified positively as the bandit Dionisio Arteta.  In addition to bullet wounds, had two large machete cuts over left side of face and one on each side of stomach. ...  [ p. 13 ]

 

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4 March 1930.  Francisco Blandón Altamirano & Roberto Vindel of Jinotega Seized and Released by Rebels under Santos Vásquez.

In early 1930, Sandinistas still active in Las Segovias were laying low and awaiting their Supreme Chief's return.  This report describes the experiences of two citizens seized by rebels under Santos Vásquez in late February in the Jinotega area and held for about 24 hours.  Here again we catch glimpses of the rebels' material poverty (forcing the captured men to exchange clothes with them, eating only cheese and sugar), even though they reportedly had plenty of ammunition.  The report also includes an intriguing hint about the spy networks being built by the Marines & Guardia:  the report was submitted by an informant code-named "A-1," who appears several other times in the documents.  The rebel jefe, Santos Vasquez, was a protégé of Pedron -- as were more than a dozen other local jefes in the department of Jinotega.  (Photograph of the Tuma Valley in the mid-1980s, www.yachana.org/reports/nicawfp/)

 

 

... GN-3 Memorandum 4 March:   A-1 reports following information received from Francisco Blandon Altamirano and Robert Vindel of Jinotega, who were captured by the bandits at 1300 21 February and released 1400 22 February near San Marcos.  Altamirano states that 80 men were in the group that held him.  Vindel states that 20 men were in the group that held him.  Vindel states bandits traveled all night and were in camp when prisoners were released.  Bandits took their clothing and gave them old clothing.  Bandits stated they were enroute to Colon and would join another group there to attack Jinotega.  All bandits had rifles and some carried pistols in addition.  They had two machine guns.  Altamirano states that he had to carry bag of ammunition that was very heavy and that bandits had plenty of ammunition.  His group led by Santos Vasquez and had very many Honduranians.  Part of this group had ambushed Cunningham and Puller.  They laid two ambushes for Puller but he had passed point when the bandits reached it.  They had intended to ambush Cunningham in other points but his dog had warned the Guardia.  This group splits up and operates in three groups.  While they were prisoners, bandits ate cheese and dulce [sugar] only. ...

 

IR 30.03.22: 10.  RG127/209/1.

 

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1 September 1930.  Statement of Moisés Castro, Bandit Prisoner, Estelí.

This statement by captured bandit Moisés Castro contains an intriguing mixture of fact and fabrication.  I call Castro a "bandit" because the evidence shows that he was not a Sandinista, but instead a member of the gang led by the notorious Conservative gang leader, rapist, and ex-Guardia Juan Heriberto Rodríguez, a.k.a. "Colonel Juan Butón."  As was true of Dionisio Arteta (see above), "Colonel Butón" was a criminal.  After serving time in the National Penitentiary in Managua for various vicious crimes, including rape and murder, he was released on the condition he serve in the Guardia.  Then, after quitting or deserting from the Guardia, he formed a band of his own, terrorizing the inhabitants in the district east of Estelí before being hunted down and killed at Nance Dulce on August 6, 1930.  (Photograph of Estelí area, ca. 2000, www.hcn.zaq.ne.jp)

 

Moisés Castro's statement is followed by the patrol report of Lt. George C. Smith, who led the attack on Butón's gang at Nance Dulce and captured Castro.  It's a fascinating report, as is the endorsement by Capt. McDonald.  The strongest evidence that these were not Sandinistas are the descriptions of rape:  as noted above, Sandino absolutely did not tolerate rape.  Another strong piece of evidence is that none of his men had any documented affiliation with Sandinista bands.

 

Castro's statement thus needs to be read with great skepticism.  Just about everything he said about Sandino was probably fabricated (e.g., Sandino was not wounded by airplane shrapnel at Yucapuca, but rather, at Saraguasca; he was injured but did not take ill; he had not yet returned to Nicaragua in March 1930; et cetera).  In that sense, his tales suggest what was popularly rumored amongst ordinary Segovianos at the time:  that Sandino had been wounded; that he camped at Chipote; etc.  Castro's statement suggests how hard it could be for the Marines & Guardia to disentangle truth from lies in the statements of their captured prisoners -- just as the phenomenon of "Colonel Juan Butón" shows how robbers, rapists, and murderers exploited the political environment created by the US invasion and occupation to commit their heinous crimes.

 

 

GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA

OFFICE OF THE DEPARTMENT COMMANDER, ESTELI

1 SEPTEMBER 1930

 

From:     The Department Commander, Department of Esteli.

To:         The Jefe Director

Via:        The Area Commander, Northern Area, Ocotal

 

Subject:     Statement of bandit prisoner, Moises Castro.

 

     1.     Forwarded is statement of subject named prisoner who was captured in contact at Nance Dulce 6 August 1930.

     I have been a bandit for over two years and captured fighting the Guardia with Colonel Buton's army at Nance Dulce.  We were only about forty strong in this battle and the Guardia badly defeated us, captured all our animals and killed our Chiefs, Colonel Buton and Palmazon and all our store of ammunition. 

 

     I was fighting by the side of General Sandino at Yucapuca when we were attacked by six American airplanes [report here] and about three hundred Guardias.  General Sandino was wounded twice in this battle, once in the left leg and once in the left shoulder.  General Sandino is in ill health and has all his men do his work for him.  He is armed with two forty-five pistols and has a doctor who takes care of our wounded soldiers whose name is Alejandro Herrera, who comes from Suni, Honduras.  After General Sandino was wounded at Yucapuca, Doctor Alejandro Herrera of San Rafael del Norte, Jinotega, treated the wounds of our General and assisted in caring for the wounded solders.  General Sandino was wounded by one of the airplanes.  Sandino's whole left leg is stiff and he walks with difficulty.  After the planes bombed our position and the Guardias attacked us we changed our position during the night as the planes knew our position too well.

 

     With our General at Yucapuca were two ex-Marines who stay continually with Sandino and are expert machine-gunners.  One of them as been with General Altamirano for a long time and now is a trusted jefe.  He is tall and slim, has a few freckles on his face, and has red hair.  He used to be the jefe doctor with General Pedron.  The other is tall and has dark hair but is white the same as the red-headed ex-Marine.  I do not know their names, as we all call them by their rank of lieutenant.  Both of these ex-Marines arrived with General Sandino from Honduras and are part of his personal guard.

 

     During the month of July, 1930, Sandino was camped on the Rio Grande near Cua.  After the fight Sandino formed all the troops and Generals and told us that we should not be discouraged by our defeat, that there would be future activities with victory.  We only have seven machine guns, and most of the soldiers are armed with Drag rifles and a few Springfields, but we have a lot of trouble getting enough ammunition.  Pedro Blandon was the jefe in the fight at Los Brasiles.  The other jefes were Lopez, Ortez, Buton, and Vaquedano.  After this fight General Sandino sent us workd to re-assemble at Chipote.  Pedro Blandon is supplied with ammunition by Antonio Altamirano who lives at Llano el Chaguite.  Antonio Cruz of Colon, a neighbor of Antonio Altamirano provided us with food.  Most of our mounts were stolen from Ciriaco Gonzalez and Simeon Gonzalez and others whose names I do not know, on the Mesa of Moropotente.  We take the stolen animals to Honduras and sell them, with this money we buy arms and ammunition.

 

     I do not know where or whom the Generals bought the arms from, as in our army the Generals handle all the money.  I fought against the Guardia at Yucapuca, Los Brasiles, Saraguasca, and Nance Dulce.  I have only fought twice actually with Sandino's army, once with Colonel Blandon and once with Colonel "Juan Buton."  I had one hundred rounds of ammunition at the battle of Nance Dulce and a Krag rifle.  These articles I threw away when I was captured by the Esteli Guardia at the battle of Nance Dulce.  At Yucapuca we had a lot more than two hundred well armed soldiers, and if it were not for the airplanes, we could have captured Jinotega. 

 

     General Sandino does not pay us in cash for wages, but furnishes his army with clothing, arms and ammunition.  During my services I received two complete outfits of clothing, one after the fight at Yucapuca and the other after we returned to Chipote after the fight at Las Brasiles.  General Sandino has old camps at Guapinol, and Pena Blanca, but his big main camps are by the side of, and on, Chipote.  The machine guns which we have were brought to us at Chipote by a group of Hondurans who returned to Honduras after they had delivered the arms and ammunition to General Sandino on 11 March 1930, at Chipote on the Rio Negro.  There were three pack mules which carried six cases of ammunition and four pack mules which brought in the seven machine guns.  I saw all this personally and helped to unpack the mules.  After the arrival of these supplies, General Sandino issued one machine gun to General Pedron, and one case of ammunition.  The other equipment was distributed among Pedro Blandon, Colonel Peralta, Candelario Altamirano, and the other chiefs  (Thinks this man son of Pedron.) 

 

     We have a lot of women at Chipote who do our cooking.  General Sandino did not bring his woman with him to Nicaragua but left her in Honduras, but after he was wounded he went back to get her again.  We use mainly the La Rica crossing of the Rio Negro to Chipote and from Chipote there is nothing to stop us from crossing into and from Honduras at will.  Our main supply of beef we have to get around the edge of Jinotega and Esteli border as it is very scarce further north.  Most of our men are well fed and do not go hungry.  When we go out on patrol to get horses and cattle we carry our rations of tortillas and dried meat in our sacks, as we have strict orders not to waste time while cooking meals in strange houses, and where we do not know the people well.  Every person north of Esteli are our friends and help us when necessary, but in Esteli almost every time we try to get horses and cattle we have had to fight, and run, and lose all of our animals.  We do not like to have to enter the Esteli area but we have to, in order to supply the big main armies at Chipote with food.

 

     /s/  Moises Castro

 

    /s/  D. McDonald

 


 

Ancillary Document

 

 

August 8, 1930.  Contact Report of Lt. G. C. Smith, Esteli, with endorsement by Capt. McDonald.

 


 

GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA

OFFICE OF THE DEPARTMENT COMMANDER, ESTELI

8 August 1930

 

From:     2ndo. Tnte. George C. Smith, Jr., G.N. Esteli.

To:         The Jefe Director, G.N., Managua

Via:        Official Channels.

 

Subject:     Contact Report.

 

     1.     On the night of 4 August 1930 information was given me from refugees who arrived in large numbers, that Pedro Blandon with four other jefes and a group estimated at one hundred twenty-five bandits had sacked all the fincas in the Carao area  (48.4 - 24.3), on the previous night 3 August 1930.

 

     2.     I immediately ordered Lt. John M. Cobb G.N. and seven enlisted with one sub-Thompson and rifle with grenades from La Trinidad to Esteli, who arrived Esteli at 2320 same night.  Upon authorization from the Area Commander, I cleared with a combat patrol with Lt. Cobb and twenty-five enlisted all mounted, at 0500, 5 August 1930.  We proceeded directly to Carao, where information was gained that the bandit group had split, Pedro Blandon heading north and Juan Boton heading south.  My informant stated that Boton was close, as he had raided haciendas on night of 4 August, the area southeast of Carao.  We continued the march southeast, across the Zapote mountains, arriving at dawn 6 August 1930 at finca of Epifanio Herrera, abut two leagues east of Sacasti (11.4-H.3, 5th Regt Spl Map of Nic), in the Department of Jinotega.  Men and animals rested here about three hours.  We found this entire area devastated, the women beaten and raped and the houses burned.

 

     3.     We proceeded in the general direction of Matagalpa from Herrera's finca, arriving at the finca of Geronimo Rizo, about one half league from Nance Dulce (12-H) at 1100.  A boy of about fourteen years of age was found here, who, after being threatened with death, admitted knowing the position of the bandit camp, and agreed to lead us to it.  We approached the bandit position which was located on the top of a small rise almost impenetrable on account of heavy brush and thorn bushes, from the West.  About a mile from this point I ordered the men to dismount and proceeded forward on foot, leaving two men guarding the animals.  When abut five hundred yards from the enemies position, I divided my force into three groups, giving Sgto. Melendez the left flank Lt. Cobb the center and taking the right flank myself.  After covering about half the distance, Lt. Cobb's party came in sight of the bandits in their camp, and at once opened fire.  The bandits, although completely surprised, immediately returned our fire, retreating to the east.  I at once ordered a general advance, the attack being covered by the Lewis machine gun fire on the right flank, and rifle grenade fire on the front and left flank.  We pursued the fleeing bandits for about a mile and a half to the east along a three hundred yard front.  The firing, which lasted approximately two hours, finally ceased, and I ordered the men to assemble on me, as all were completely exhausted -- and hand, faces, and uniforms were badly torn and scratched due to the heavy thorny brush on the ground the engagement was fought over.  I called the roll and found none dead, wounded or missing.  I then instituted a search of the field.  Six dead bandits and one wounded were found.  The wounded one gave his name as Guillermo Meza and stated that the group numbered forty-five, that General Juan Boton, Colonel Palmazon, and Pedro Salgado were the jefes.  He identified Boton and Palmazon amongst the dead.  The following articles were captured from the dead bandits and from the site of their camp:

2  Krag Rifles #473878 & #179325 with ammunition belts.

43 Rounds, Ammunition Cal 30 Krag rifle.

2  Long barreled shot-guns, with pouches and large supply of powder, caps and balls.

9 Mules, 6 horses with complete riding equipment and blanket rolls with numerous articles of clothing.

6  Revolvers -- two Smith and Wesson, Two Colt, and Two Spanish, each with ammunition belt and holster.

36 Rounds, in all, pistol ammunition.

1 Automatic Lugar, with attachable shoulder butt, and six magazines

3 Dynamite bombs -- 8 Red and Black Hat Bands.

9 Rain Coats, rubber -- 3 flash lights -- 8 Brass Hilted Honduranian Cutachas.

Numerous articles of Guardia uniforms and equipment marked with the number #1261.

     4.     Boton was killed during the first few minutes of the combat, by a direct hit through the heart, fired by Raso Pastor Rodriguez, #3220 at a range of 250 yards.  A careful search of the scene for dead and wounded bandits was impracticable due to the exceedingly heavy under-brush and thorns.  However, Torencio Herrera, a native living near Nance Dulce reported to me at Esteli on 7 August 1930 that he had found bodies of six dead bandits near the scene of the combat, badly eaten by buzzards.  It was estimated, at the time, that twelve bandits had been wounded, taking into consideration the numerous signs of blood and the evidence of the captured bandit.

 

     5.     We cleared the scene of the contact, after the mounts had been brought up and six dead bandits and loot had been packed on the captured animals.  Geronimo Rizo, known bandit and member of Boton's group, was captured hiding in a corn field about one mile West of Nance Dulce, and was brought prisoner to Esteli.  The patrol arrived Esteli at 2000, 6 August 1930.  The dead bandits were put on exhibition in the park for all to see, and the two captives securely locked in the brig.  Boton and Palmazon were recognized many times by over two thousand people who viewed their bodies, and who were very much elated over the death of these two men.  Some of the women who had been raped by these same two men a few days previously were among the onlookers.  A committee of citizens from Esteli and the surrounding countryside called in a body at the Cuartel and offered congratulations to all Guardia.  All loot captured, except the arms and ammunition, has been returned to the respective owners.

 

    6.    2do Tnte. John M. Cobb, G.N., Sgto Octavio Melendez #1190, Cabo Bernardo Molina #1203, Raso Aquilino Lopez #1222, Raso Pastor Rodriguez #3220, and Raso Pedro Rodriguez #1125, are worthy of special citation, which I will cover in a separate letter.

 

     7.     The patrol was armed with one Lewis Machine-gun, one sub-Thompson Machine-gun, two Springfield rifles with grenades and dischargers, and hand grenades.

 

     8.     Total distance covered by patrol 63 miles.

 

                    /s/  George C. Smith, Jr.

 

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GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA

OFFICE OF THE DEPARTMENT COMMANDER, ESTELI

8 August 1930

 

From:     The Department Commander, Dept. of Esteli, Esteli, Nic.

To:         The Jefe Director, G.N., Managua, Nic.

Via:        The Area Commander, Northern Area, Ocotal, Nic.

 

     1.     Forwarded.

 

     2.     It is recommended that Second Lieutenant George C. Smith, G.N. be awarded the Navy Cross, for his excellent leadership and skill which he demonstrated on this occasion, which resulted in the killing of bandit General Juan Heriberto Rodriguez and Colonel Palmazon.  The first named bandit leader, alias Juan Boton, has committed many atrocious crimes, mostly against young girls ranging from eight to ten years of age.  On the day prior to his death, he raped a small girl eight years of age at Moropotente, Department of Esteli.  His group ransacked the surrounding countryside and was the cause of many farmers abandoning their farms, and was returning from an animal stealing excursion from Matagalpa when he and his group were attacked by Lieutenants Smith and Cobbs patrol.  His death is a serious blow to organized banditry and a great relief to womanhood of this vicinity.  Boton was identified by the Jefe Politico, District Criminal Judge and many other citizens of Esteli.  Buton had a large machete scar on the back of his neck, by which means he was positively identified, and his family also stated that there was no doubt that was the body of Juan Buton.  Buton was an old Guardia and an excellent Lewis machine gun man, and prior to turning bandit resided in Esteli.

 

                    /s/  D. McDonald.

RG127/202/10/52.0

 

 

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18 September 1930.  Declaration of Private Juan Echevarria, G.N., on the Second Telpaneca Mutiny of October 21, 1929.

This eyewitness account of the "Second Telpaneca Mutiny" of October 21, 1929 sheds important light on one of the war's most widely-discussed episodes.  The background to the mutiny is complicated, rooted in the First Telpaneca Mutiny of October 6, 1929, when about 2:00 a.m., a group of disgruntled Guardia enlisted men, led by First Sergeant Fernando Larios (Jr.) shot and killed Guardia Second Lieutenant Lewis H. Trogler (a sergeant in the Marine Corps).  Larios's father was a leading Conservative who had just been exiled by the Liberal Moncada administration.  The events of the two mutinies, and the reasons behind them, were discussed and debated in the newspapers, in Marine & Guardia mess halls, and in public conversation for years afterward.  Of the ten Guardia mutinies from 1927 to 1932, the Telpaneca mutinies became the most notorious and well-remembered.  (Illustration:  anonymous comment on one of the first reports of the First Telpaneca Mutiny, which mistakenly attributed Lt. Trogler's death to "bandits believed to be Ortez' group"; M29.10.06; RG127/202/51) 

 

The episode highlights a key issue in Segovian political life during these years:  the tenuous nature of political identities and allegiances.  The mutineers clearly did not put much stock in their identity as Guardia, or in their organization, or in their superior officers.  In Echevarria's telling, the soldiers mutinied because their commanding officer, Lt. Trogler, refused them permission to attend a town dance.  Furious, Sgt Salinas killed him, locked the two other Marines (Lts. Levonski and Rimes) in the jailhouse, looted the houses and stores, and hightailed it out of town -- forcing the narrator, on pain of death, to do his bidding.  It's a fascinating blend of fact and fabrication.  Other sources offer different versions of events.

 

The leader of this second mutiny, Sergeant Adrian Salinas, went on to become an important Sandinista jefe.  The Sandinistas repeatedly tried to persuade their countrymen in the Guardia to abandoned their units and join the Defending Army.  They met with some success, but not nearly what was needed to turn the tide of the war decisively in their favor.

 

Additional sources on the events of the two Telpaneca mutinies are listed after Private Juan Echevarría's statement.

 

 

CUARTEL GENERAL, DEPARTAMENTO DE LEON

GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA

LEON, NICARAGUA

 

18 de Septiembre de 1930

 

DECLARACION DEL RASO JUAN ECHEVERRIA, #2293, G. N., DESERTOR DE TELPANECA, 21 de Octubre de 1929.

 

     El Teniente Rimes me llevaba preso a Telpaneca en ruta al Ocotal.  Yo estaba preso con los rasos Juan José Baltodano, José Moya, y José Maria Tenorio, en la bartolina de la Guardia de Telpaneca.  El dia siguiente han llegado el Sargento Salinas, Carlos Cedeño, Horacio Lacayo, y Enrique Sánchez, a sacarnos de la bartolina donde estabamos prisioneros, para meter presos a los Tenientes Rimes y el Teniente Levonski.  Delante el Teniente Rimes y el Teniente Levonski, nos ha mandado el Sargento Salinas a equiparnos de nuevo.  Y como nosotros le dijimos a él que no nos metiamos porque no sabiamos que pasaba allí, entonces nos ha contestado él que el que no quisiera meterse iba a ser fusilado allí no más junto con los Tenientes.  Entonces nosotros hemos tenido que hacerle caso, como estabamos prisioneros, tuvimos que obedecerle.  A esas horas ellos nos han mandado de retenes en contorno del pueblo, para que no dejaramos salir a ningún particular ni a ningún guardia y que el Guardia que llegara allí y se opusiera que lo tiraramos.  Entonces ha salido el Sargento Salinas con toda la Guardia a las cuatro de la tarde encabezando como Jefes Adrian Salinas, Carlos Cedeño llevaba el sombrero del Teniente, Enrique Sánchez, Alberto Toledo, Horacio Lacayo, quien fue muerto por la policía de Tegucigalpa.  Enrique Sánchez se encuentra ahora en Tegucigalpa, en el Pueblo de Comayagüela, Carlos Gaboardi, está en Puerto Cortez, y las máquinas las ha entregado Alejandro Plata en Tegucigalpa en el Cuartel de San Francisco.  A nosotros nos capturaron en Danlí, donde nos ha enseñado un telegrama del Jefe Director de la Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua, que tenian orden de captura, para todos los guardias sublevados de Telpaneca, y de recoger las armas.  Entonces nos ha dicho a los tres que teníamos que ir a entregar las armas y como yo me encontrera enfermo le dije que no podia ir yo, y se ha llevado a Gaboardi y a García al Valle del Nanci donde los ha colgado de los dedos gordos para que dijesen donde estaban las armas, como ellos se opusieran a no decir, los ha querido fusilar allí no más, pero quizo la suerte que en esos momentos un ayudante de Alejandro Plata tropezó con dos máquinas escondidas.  Son las únicas que han hallado, porque ellos no sabian adonde estaban las armas tampoco, porque el Sargento Salinas, Carlos Cedeño, Horacio Lacayo, Enrique Sánchez, y Alberto Toledo, nos han mandado adelante de toda la guardia, despojándonos allí no más de las armas y se han quedado escondiéndolas, estando toda la Guardia como una legua distante.  Ya de allí nos fuimos sin armas y dentramos a Danlí, donde nos hemos desapartado.  Quedándonos solos Gaboardi, García y yo, los demás se fueron hasta Tegucigalpa, donde han permanecido durante todo este tiempo libremente.

 

     Nosotros nos fugamos de Tegucigalpa y fuimos a varias partes de Honduras, en cuanto salimos nosotros de allí y de la Penitenciaria de Tegucigalpa, Gaboardi se fué hasta Puerto Cortez, García se desapartó de nostros, y yo he venido luchando para venirme para acá a presentarme, porque en mi conciencia creo no tener delito, porque he sido impulsado por las armas.

 

     Nosotros nos dimos cuenta de la sublevación hasta como a las siete de la mañana del día que se fueron los guardias, cuando vinieron allí a la bartolina a abrir la puerta para meter a los Tenientes.  De mí pueden dar una declaración el Teniente Rimes, y el Tieniente Levonski, que yo no me he portado mal con ninguno de ellos en ninguna parte del camino.  Yo me habia ido del Jícaro y me habian capturado en Pueblo Nuevo, el Teniente Torrez y nos ha ido a dejar él a Palacagüina, donde he llegado el Teniente Rimes con diez números que iba para Telpaneca y de Telpaneca se iba ir él al Ocotal.  Entonces el Teniente Torres nos ha entregado a él, para que nos llevase al Ocotal, y como el tenia que pasar por Telpaneca.  Alli en Telpaneca nos ha entregado a la Guardia como prisioneros.  El día siguiente a las siete de la mañana han llegado Salinas, Cedeño, Sánchez, Lacayo y Toledo y cuando nos sacaron de la bartolina que nos han contado que ellos habian hecho eso con los Tenientes, porque el practicante que comía donde la concinera de los Tenientes sabía hablar el Inglés y les habia odio en su platica a los Tenientes, que llegaba el Teniente Rimes con esos diez numeros a relevar diez de los que estaban en Telpaneca que habian sido los mas interesados en la muerte de Trogler.  Entonces ellos para no esperar que los fueran a mandar prisioneros, habian ido a prender a los Tenientes donde ellos estaban tomando café.  Los más interesados eran Sánchez, Salinas, Cedeño, Toledo y Lacayo.  Nos contaron que ellos le habian pedido un permiso al Teniente Trogler para hacer un baile, y como ellos se alistaronde todo y el Teniente Trogler el día que iba a ser el baile, les ha dicho que ningún guardia salia a la calle.  Entonces ellos se han puesto muy enojados con el Teniente, y han dispuesto a la una de la madrugada poner en linea de fuego a toda la guardia disparando como si fuese que el enemigo estaba entrando el pueblo, entonces se han ido Lacayo, Cedeño y Toledo, a despertar al Teniente y le han dicho, "Teniente, levántese que el enemigo esta entrando a la población".  El Teniente se ha levantado envuelto en una frezada, cuando el ha salido afuera, Horacio Lacayo le ha disparado y le ha matado.

 

     Horacio Lacayo y Enrique Sánchez andaban paseandose en las calles de Tegucigalpa el 24 de Diciembre de 1929, cuando los ha encontrado la policía, queriéndolos registrar.  Entonces Enrique Sánchez ha sacado la pistola que el andaba adentro de la camisa y la ha amperado dentro del paraguas.  Luego lo registraron y no le encontraron nada.  Entonces la Policía pasó a registrar a Lacayo, en lo que la Policía pasó a registrar a Lacayo, Enrique Sánchez se ha metido en una cantina, dejando alzada la pistola.  Horacio Lacayo como se viera solo no se dejó registrar y siguió caminando para atrás, desenvolviendo la pistola y haciendole disparos a la Policía.  Se les ha corrido desde el puente de Guaserisque hasta el ovelisco, allí le ha salido el resto de la policía y le han hecho unos disparos y le han quitado la escuadra, después que le quitaron la escuadra, le han pegado tres balazos mas, quedando muerto Lacayo.

 

     /s/  Juan R. Echevarria

 

M30.09.18.  RG127/209/3.

 


 

Ancillary Documents

 

 

Additional References to the Telpaneca Mutinies, Oct 6 & 21, 1929

 


 

1.  Julian C. Smith, History of the Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua, unpublished mss., Marine Corps Historical Center, pp. 111-115.

Telpaneca (First)

 

     At about 2:00 a.m., on October 6, 1929, Second Lieutenant Lewis H. Trogler, G.N. (Sergeant, USMC), Commanding Officer of the Guardia Nacional garrison at Telpaneca, Nueva Segovia, was shot to death in the town of Telpaneca by mutinous members of his command.  The mutiny had been carefully planned and involved the entire garrison, although some were unwilling participants.

 

     A written agreement had been drawn up by First Sergeant Fernando Larios, hijo, as leader, and five others, and signed by them on October 3rd, providing that Lieutenant Trogler, who was the only officer serving in Telpaneca, was to be killed, and, as circumstances permitted, all other North American officers, as a sign of their opposition to the "American occupation" of Nicaraguan territory.  All other members of the garrison of twenty-three enlisted, signed the document, either voluntarily, or through fear for their personal safety if they refused.  In each case a seal was placed opposite the signature, made from the blood of the respective individual, obtained by cutting and squeezing his thumb.  Some of these signers had not read the document and had no knowledge as to its contents.

 

     It appears that First Sergeant Larios, and one of the other conspirators who was a corporal, had been recommended for reduction by Lieutenant Trogler, and that both knew of this.  Larios was undoubtedly the prime mover, and there is a strong probability that he was actuated also by other personal and political motives.  He had been a Conservative prior to joining the Guardia, and his father Fernando Larios, padre, a leader of the Conservative element, had been exiled only shortly theretofore by the Liberal Government.  His antipathy for North Americans had not been revealed previously, but became apparent by his actions during the signing of the pact of blood and during the subsequent mutiny.  It was related by witnesses that he gleefully viewed the body of Lieutenant Trogler, and that he refused permission to civilians who desired to hold a wake over it.  Several letters were found in the possession of Larios which boldly stated his hatred of foreigners.

 

     There was dissatisfaction among some of the enlisted members of the command over a dance given by Lieutenant Trogler for the civilian population of Telpaneca on the night of October 5th.  No Guardia was invited, and it has been said that Lieutenant Trogler had stated that the guardias were of a lower social status than his intended guests, and that on this account he had not invited them to participate.  Some were disgruntled because they had been sent by Lieutenant Trogler to carry chairs from other houses to the scene of the party, and they believed that they should not have been so employed:  that in so doing they were being utilized in the capacity of servants.  A concerted effort was made by various guardias to induce the civilians not to attend the fiesta, intimating that some untoward event might occur there.

 

     It was planned by the mutineers to simulate a bandit attack and to kill Lieutenant Trogler as he was returning to his quarters from the fiesta.  To make it appear true in case of an investigation, men were stationed at various points throughout the town, with orders to open fire when they heard firing going on.  That afternoon a civilian agent of First Sergeant Larios reported to Lieutenant Trogler, in accordance with Lario's instructions that a bandit attack on the town would take place that night.  It does not appear that Lieutenant Trogler took any extraordinary precautions that night as to the security of the town.

 

     Because of the fact that he returned from the dance about 1:30 a.m., in company with a prominent civilian, Lieutenant Trogler was not fired upon at that time.  However, soon after reaching his quarters the simulated attack commenced, and weapons were trained and fired upon the doorway of the officers' quarters, through which Lieutenant Trogler emerged and safely ran across the street to the barracks.  He then started in the direction of the church plaza where some of the defensive works were located, doubtless with the intention of directing the defense, when he was struck and killed.

 

     Throughout the balance of the night sporadic firing took place, but it has been definitely established that no bandits attacked Telpaneca that night, and that the simulation of an attack was planned and carried out as a smoke-screen to hide the real purpose of the mutineers, the killing of Lieutenant Trogler.  Having accomplished this object, no attempts were made to loot or commit other violence, and no one of the command deserted.

 

     Proof of the complicity of First Sergeant Larios in the plot to mutiny was lacking at the time, but a strong suspicion rested upon him, and he was soon transferred to Ocotal, the Area Headquarters station.  He was relieved by Sergeant Adrian Salinas, but his influence was to be felt within a short time in a second mutiny at Telpaneca.  He was later tried before a general court-martial and convicted, when the investigation of the Second Telpaneca mutiny brought to light the facts as to the first.

 

Telpaneca  (Second)

 

     Following the death of Lieutenant Trogler, Second Lieutenant Charles J. Levonski, G.N. (Sergeant, USMC), was assigned to duty as Commanding Officer, Guardia Nacional, at Telpaneca, and assumed command.  He was a capable, energetic and likeable officer, and the morale of the command seemed to improve.  For two weeks he observed nothing which indicated to him that the men would not remain loyal.

 

     Rumors were received from Ocotal by the men to the effect that First Sergeant Larios had been executed as a punishment for his part in the mutiny of October 6th.  This was untrue but was believed by some of them.  A newspaper published in Managua, La Prensa, at this time carried an article on the subject of the infliction of the death penalty upon members of the Guardia Nacional  guilty of certain acts, and was read and discussed in Telpaneca.  It should be remembered that practically the entire command at this station remained unchanged, and that they had just recently participated in a mutiny following the signing of the Larios Pact of Blood, and had treacherously murdered their Commanding Officer, Lieutenant Trogler.  Unrest and a feeling of apprehension lest they be discovered and awarded the death penalty, filled the minds of the men.

 

     A fatal error was made in not relieving at least fifty percent of the command and replacing them with other men of known integrity, immediately after the death of Lieutenant Trogler, as a matter of precaution if for no other reason, and especially as, even at that time, the circumstances surrounding the affair, with its "bandit attack" which everyone doubted, and other inconsistencies that pointed to mutiny, were sufficiently evident to warrant such action, particularly when one considers the isolated location of Telpaneca in the mountains, the lack of communications and the impossibility of bringing prompt relief in case of necessity.  It was not until October 20th that a patrol under the command of Second Lieutenant James C. Rimes (Sergeant, USMC) arrived at Telpaneca via Palacaguina with ten replacements for the station.  The patrol was composed of seventeen enlisted, all but two of whom were recruits.

 

     The rumors of the execution of First Sergeant Larios and discussion of the newspaper article on the death penalty, brought to the minds of enlisted men and civilians in Telpaneca the thought, which soon became a thoroughly believed conviction, that the ten men ordered replaced and transferred were going to Ocotal to be executed for their part in the recent mutiny.

 

     It was established later that one of the members of Lieutenant Rimes' patrol carried a letter from First Sergeant Larios in Ocotal to Sergeant Salinas, who had relieved him as Acting First Sergeant at Telpaneca, and who had previously served with him and was a good friend of his.  This letter was not recovered, but it is known that Salinas announced to various of his men, following the second Telpaneca mutiny, that Larios would join the column of mutineers on the trail near Santo Domingo, between Telpaneca and San Juan de Telpaneca, and that Salinas and his group waited for him at this point until it became evident to them that he was not going to arrive.

 

     It is highly probable that Larios' letter also contained plans, or suggestions, for another mutiny of the garrison at Telpaneca, and it may have been he who suggested the idea of the intended execution of the ten men being transferred, in order to induce Salinas and the others to carry out his plans for this mutiny, a continuation of his pact of blood scheme to kill North American officers and to demonstrate opposition to the presence of these officers in Nicaragua.

 

     At any rate Sergeant Salinas, who theretofore had been a mild mannered company clerk, seemingly trustworthy and incapable of becoming the leader of a revolt (he had been Captain Burwell's sole body-guard on numerous pay trips earlier that year to the outlying stations of the Department of Managua and Carazo), held a meeting of various members of the command about 12:30 a.m., October 21st, and formulated plans for a mutiny.  Salinas named himself as a colonel.

 

     At 6:50 a.m., that same morning while Lieutenants Levonski and Rimes were about to have breakfast, they were surprised by six armed guardias, three having entered the house via the front door and three from the rear.  Lieutenant Rimes was not armed; Lieutenant Levonski was disarmed, and both were taken prisoner, marched to the Guardia brig and confined.  Expostulations on the part of the officers were silenced with threats of immediate death if they continued talking.

 

     Lieutenant Rimes had intended clearing for Ocotal with his patrol at 7:30 a.m., had given the necessary orders for the movement, and,, before going to breakfast, had noted that the men were getting themselves and the animals ready.  These men knew nothing about the plans of the mutineers, and were as much surprised at the events which transpired as the two officers.  Some attempted to leave town, but were apprehended, and all were forced, through fear of death, to stand watches and to accompany the group when they cleared town later that day.

 

     The mutineers at once placed sentinels over all trails leading out of town, also machine guns, destroyed the radio set and threw it into the river, and ordered the inhabitants to close their doors and not to leave their homes.  Groups then looted the principal stores and private residences for money and merchandise, and secured animals upon which to carry their stolen goods.  Guardia Nacional funds, and the cash, clothing and jewelry of the officers was taken, and all Guardia property, including machine guns, automatic weapons, grenades, ammunition, etc., was gathered together to be taken along.  The services of various male civilians were impressed for the loading of the pack animals, and later for help in the crossing of the Rio Coco just below town, in boats.

 

     About noon two Marine Corps planes passed over Telpaneca and made a drop of official and personal correspondence.  The aviation panels at the station had been permanently laid out, and one of the mutineers, dressed in Lieutenant Rimes' uniform, recovered the drop, so that there was nothing apparent to the pilots that anything irregular was going on.

 

     During the entire day the two officers remained in confinement, without food and hourly expecting to be taken out and shot.  A record of events and some of their thoughts, written by them, was later found on the cell wall.

 

     About 5:00 p.m., the officers were removed from confinement, and taken, with hands tied and lead-rope around their necks, to the river.  They were accompanied by all members of the mutinous group, including both the regular garrison and Lieutenant Rimes' patrol, the cargo and animals.  At this time they begged the mutineers to shoot them at once, for they feared torture.  The crossing of the river was completed at about 7:00 p.m., and many bulky articles were left behind at this point, due either to haste and lack of direction or to insufficient animal transportation.  However, all machine guns, automatic weapons and ammunition were taken.

 

     The column continued the march all night, and at daybreak arrived at the Polanco ranch near Santo Domingo Valley.  A number of the men who did not wish to accompany the mutineers were able to escape during the night, and did so.  The following day others deserted the column as the opportunity presented itself.  Lieutenants Levonski and Rimes were told by Salinas that they were going to be killed.  Salinas, however, was courteous at all times, stood at attention when addressing them, and shared his food and drink with them.

 

     One of the men agreed to assist the officers to escape, but lost heart and disappeared from the column alone.  Later, about 8:00 p.m., Levonski and Rimes found a favorable moment when an accident to a cargo caused a halt and a separation of the force into two groups.  They escaped and rushed precipitously up a side trail and into the brush, becoming separated almost immediately.  Levonski sprained his ankle, but both encountered some of the loyal men, and with them returned to Telpaneca, Rimes arriving first.

 

     Practically all of the personnel papers of Lieutenant Rimes' patrol, and a few of the original Telpaneca garrison, reported in either Telpaneca or at Palacaguina.  The balance continued on and made their way to Honduras, where the arms and ammunition were confiscated, and the men jailed temporarily.  They were not returned to Nicaragua.

 


2.  Excerpts from Roswell Winans, USMC, Patrol Report, Apali, Nic., 28 Oct 1929, NA127/212/1.

     ... 6.      No information at San Juan on our return.  Night of the 26th Lt Hooper obtained information to the effect that a man who had been in Telpaneca at the time of the mutiny was out in the country a mile.  He was brought in Sunday morning his statement follows:

 

            Name Lucio Nulgado - was impressed as a guide at Telpaneca to guide the mutineers to San Juan.  The officers were captured Monday at 0700.  The people of the town worked all day packing animals with loot.  They forced various people to give up about $1000.00 in cash.  From 0700 to 1300 all doors were required to be closed.  They crossed the Coco at the lower crossing, Mutineers and loot in a boat - swimming the animals.  Cusuli trail - decided to go to Santo Domingo.  Officers were walking arms tied down to their sides -- necks connected with a rope.  They were in the center of the column.  Lucio the civilian with them.  Went to Santo Domingo -- then to Potreros -- took them all night to get to Potreros -- arrived at 0600 -- Lola Matamoros house is at Potreros -- let him go at Potreros -- returned toward Telpaneca he staid Tuesday night at the house of Adan Melgara.  He saw one of the officers returning with some of the Guardia to Telpaneca and heard that the other one had been released also and had returned with more men.  He saw them at 1300 Wednesday.  The jefe in charge of the mutineers was Salinas -- the second jefe, Navarro -- third jefe was Sedeno.  The reason they went so slow the first night was that they had so much cargo.  They were twelve hours getting to Potreros -- three hours normal travel from Telpaneca -- they were not drinking -- though they took whiskey from the town -- they had no intention of killing the officers at the time but were taking them to Honduras, the reason that some of them turned back was that even when they left Telpaneca, they were unwilling to go.  The guide from Potreros -- he did not know but was probably one of the Polanco brothers, of whom there are three and each of them has a house there.  Probably their trail would be via Barillal-Jamisco-Suscallon-Ula.  He could give no satisfactory reason why he did not promptly report the movements of the mutineers, but it is believed that he was so glad and grateful to get away with his life as they would just as well have killed him, that he did not wish to make a report or was afraid to. ..

3.  Gen. D. C. McDougal to Capt. Wm. W. Scott, Charges and Specifications in the Case of Fernando Larios, First Sergeant, Number 45, Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua, 3 Dec. 1929, NA127/198/1.

...  1.     The above named man will be tried before the Consejo de Guerra General of which you are the Judge Advocate, upon the following charges and specifications.  You will notify the president of the court accordingly, inform the accused of the date set for his trial, and summon all witnesses, both for the prosecution and the defense.

 

     CHARGE I.  (acquitted)  [ Premeditated murder of First Lt. Lewis H. Trogler]

 

     CHARGE II.   (guilty)  [ Mutiny against Trogler on Oct 5, 1929 ].

 

     CHARGE III.  (acquitted)   "... did, on or about Oct. 3, 1929, in the Guardia Barracks at the said Telpaneca, use provoking, reproachful, and intimidating words, gestures, and menaces toward Corporal Francisco Miranda, #1863, Guardia Nacional, serving at the Guardia Barracks aforesaid, by saying to the Corporal Francisco Miranda ... "anyone who does not sign this paper with his own blood with go to Eternity," or words to that effect ... [ remainder of specifications not proved ]

 

 

Return to Document Inventory

 

 

 

23 September 1930.  Surrender of Feliciano Centeno Altamirano from Pedrón's Band.

This statement by surrendered Sandinista private Feliciano Centeno Altamirano, age 26, accompanied by several newspaper articles describing the event -- including one that includes another, pretty extensive statement to the press -- sheds additional light on the state of the rebellion after Sandino's return in May 1930.  Centeno's claim that he was forced to fight with Altamirano's group (statement of Sept 23) is contradicted by what he told the press a few days later, where he acknowledged that he'd taken up "banditry" out of desperation born of hunger and unemployment.  His defense of Pedrón is also noteworthy, as is the fact that his surrender was considered important enough that he'd be meeting with the president of the republic and the director of the Guardia to talk about it.  The mainstream press played up the story.  It decried Sandino's "organized banditry" and hungered for good news on a depressing topic.  At least once he's a "general."

 

Centeno claimed that Sandino's support was crumbling, that morale was low and his men saw him as a deceiver.  He was wrong.  Despite the hardships suffered by the guerrilla forces -- accurately described here -- in fact Sandinista activity was picking up dramatically.  This is the beginning of the peak period of Sandinismo in Las Segovias (June 1930-Dec 1932).  Campesinos across much of the region became Sandinista supporters, funneling them food, information, and other resources.  The reasons were complex -- Sandino's return from a year's exile in Mexico (May 1930); the deleterious effects of the worldwide economic depression; and mounting resentments against the US invasion and occupation -- resentments in turn created by the Marine & Guardia counter-insurgency strategy of blanketing the countryside with violence.  These crucial contexts are, of course, largely effaced in what follows.

 

 

          Jinotega, Nicaragua

          23 Sept. 1930.

 

     Feliciano Centeno Altamirano states:  That he was a private in the Altamirano group but was forced to bear arms, his life was threatened if he did not.  He joined them about May 1930.  He was in Saraguasca with Sandino in June, he was only with the Altamirano group.  Altamirano is Sandino's second in command.  Ismael Peralta, Santos Vasquez, Daniel Hernandez, Ruperto Hernandez and Sebastian Centeno are sub-jefes of the Altamirano group.  We always lived with his mother in Altamirano's camps.  He left them because he had never wanted to be a bandit, states that they live in constant fear, running [from] the Guardia.

 

     He had known Lieut. Lee previous to joining the bandits, but never heard his name mentioned by any of the bandits.  He further states that the mentioned bandit forces were organized by Sandino and divided into several groups under Ortez, Peralta, Gonzalez, Blandon, and Villegas, Sandino and Altamirano with about thirty men proceeded to Los Sitios de Bilan and remained there until they were attacked by the Guardia in August, was at this time Centeno ran away from them and came to Jinotega.  In this camp was only Altamirano with his family and about eight men, Sandino was camped about four or five hundred yards above the Altamirano camp with about twenty-two men, Altamirano was not wounded, Centeno, saw him run away.  At this time Santos Vasquez was with Ortez, he later learned that Vasquez was wounded at La Independencia.  Santos Benavillo [Santos Benavides, or, Santos Lopez] was also wounded at La Independencia.  Pedro Irias [Pedro Antonio Irias] was also with Ortez's column.  Does not know where Sandino and Altamirano are at present time, states that they are constantly on the move, never remaining more than one night in the same place.

 

     The men are badly in need of clothing, they eat plantains, bananas and meat when it can be found, but often suffer from hunger, the morale of the men is very low and many are deserting because they say Sandino is only a deceiver.  Does not know of any casualties in the fight in Bilan.  He went with Altamirano on the expedition to the East Coast in May, went to Wauni, Neptune, and Siuna with one hundred men, they brought back about twelve boxes of dynamite, about twenty-five or thirty pounds per box and one bar of gold 2" x 2" x 8", the expected to get $500.00 for it.  The gold was sent to Mexico by a man named Raudales [Ramon Raudales], to a man called Dr. Zepeda, whom he had heard mentioned as Sandino's agent in Mexico.  On Altamirano's return from the expedition east he received a letter saying that Sandino was coming and ordering Altamirano to go and meet him in the mountains north of the Pantasma.  Fifteen men came with Sandino armed with pistols and one TSMG.  Centeno was with Altamirano when he, Altamirano, went to meet Sandino.

 

     In reply to a question as to what in detail, the men in Pedro Altamirano's camp were doing at the time [of] Captain Good's attack, Feliciano Centeno Altamirano stated that they were playing musical instruments, and other details known to be in accordance with the facts.  It therefore appears that he was without doubt in Pedro Altamirano's camp at the time of the attack.

 

     /s/  C. B. Matthews, Colonel, G.N.

            Commandante del Area Central.

M30.09.23.  RG127/192/1.


 

 

 

September 1930.  Newspaper Articles on Surrender of Feliciano Centeno Altamirano.

 


 

1.  La Prensa  (Managua), 19 September 1930.

 

 

Feliciano Centeno Altamirano, hijastro de Pedrón se rindió con todo y armas

     La Guardia Nacional, informó hoy que Feliciano Centeno Altamirano, hijo político de Pedrón Altamirano, se presentó a la Guardia en Jinotega, rindiendo sus armas y municiones, y pidiendo garantías.

 

     La Guardia dió cuenta al Presidente de la República de la rendición de Centeno Altamirano, y este alto funcionario ordenó que se diesen las garantías solicitadas sin perjuicio de mantener la vigilancia necesaria, a fin de que Centeno se dedique a trabajar honradamente como lo prometa.

 

     La rendición de Centeno Altamirano hace suponer que Pedrón ha muerto, pues estaba herido de gravedad en el pulmón izquierdo.

 

     Es notorio también que Pedrón perdió a tres hijos en los various encuentros que ha tenido.

 

RG127/192/1

 


 

2.  La Noticia  (Managua), 23 September 1930.

 

 

Llegará de la Segovia en avión el lugarteniente de Pedrón. 

Se Entrevistará con el Señor Presidente Moncada

 

     Hoy o mañana ingresará a esta capital en un avión de la marine procedente de Jinotega el general Feliciano Centeno Altamirano, hijo político y lugargeniente de Pedrón Altamirano, quien renunciando a su vida anterior, acaba de presentarse con sus armas ante las autoridades de aquel departamento, habiéndosele concedido toda clase de garantías.

 

     El general Centeno Altamirano viene a entrevistarse con el señor Presidente Moncada y con el Jefe de la Guardia Nacional General McDougal.  Se espera que esta entrevista será de capital importancia en conexión con las actividades de Sandino, Pedrón, Ortez, Salgado, etc.

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