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31 January 1930. Statement of Schoolmaster J. Salomé Herrera,
Colón Valley, on Death of Bandit Jefe Dionisio Arteta.
Dionisio Arteta, whose
violent death is described here, was probably not Sandinista.
Instead he appears to have been chief of a criminal gang -- an
actual bandit -- active in the Colón Valley just south of Yalí.
In the two decades prior to 1930, the Colón Valley and adjacent
hinterlands in the Yalí district had seen rapid coffee expansion and
the formation of a rural wage labor force. It was a zone
populated by many poor, propertyless, socially discontented
men. The rebellion spawned not only local groups allied with
Sandino and committed to the cause of national liberation (or at
least local liberation) from the US occupation. It
also spawned gangs of robbers and criminals. The manner of Arteta's death, described by the local schoolmaster, suggests some
of the dangers commonly facing both types of local jefes, Sandinista
and criminal. Criminal jefes suffered a huge disadvantage:
they did not enjoy the support of the broad swath of the rural
populace. The Sandinistas did. Here we see that Arteta's
limited support was based mainly on his kinship relations in the
Colón-Rinconada area.
Liquor, music, dance,
guns, robberies, loot, betrayal -- in these times of war and
rebellion, Las Segovias had become a very dangerous world.

Street boy, Telpaneca, ca. 1929.
Carl P. Eldred Papers, Marine Corps
Historical Center, Washington D.C.
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STATEMENT OF SENOR J. SALOME HERRERA re DEATH OF DION ARTETA
[DIONISIO ARTETA]: --
I am the Director and Professor in the Casa Local de La
Escuela Local in the Valley of El Carrizo, and the owner of
the school house is senor Silverio Arteta. At about
ten p.m. on the night of January 1, 1930, there came to my
school house a group of 20 bandits, the jefe of whom was
Dionicio Arteta. They sang and danced and played
guitars until about 4:30 a.m. on the morning of January 2,
1930.
The Jefe of the bandit group was sleeping on a table during
all this time, but about 4:30 a.m. one of the bandits took
the pistol away from Dionicio Arteta and placed it in his
own holster, while Arteta was still sleeping.
Shortly after this, Arteta woke up and gave the order to
march, but the rest of the bandit group all stated that they
would not go any further, or belong to his group any longer.
During an argument which followed, the bandits fired five
shots at their jefe, three of which entered his body,
killing him instantly. The argument was over the
division of some articles which the group had stolen, but I
do not know what it was. I only know three of the
group, the dead jefe, one Quintero Tiburcio, and a man named
Rodriguez. Tiburcio lives at Quilali, but Rodriguez
has no home. The Guardia arrived and took the body to
Esteli. That is all that I know. ...
IR30.01.31:
20. RG127/43A/4
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Additional References to Dionisio Arteta
1. B-2 Report, Managua, 11 November 1929
(IR29.11.11, NA127/209/1)
... A small
band under Domingo Arteta passed one-half
league South of Concordia on the 3rd [of
November 1929] ... [ p. 2 ]
... From
Guardia Jinotega: "Lieutenant Krebbs
thirty nine reports ten bandits robbed
Santiago and Unico Gutierrez at Sabeli three
leagues south of San Rafael at five p.m. 1st
[November] stop they cleared in the
direction of Trinidad at five a.m. of the
2nd stop Stevens at Concordia reports eight
bandits under Domingo Arteta [Dionisio
Arteta] with Pablo
Valdora [Pablo Valdivia] and one other as prisoners passed
half league south of Concordia at one
thousand (10 a.m.) on the third stop they
were armed with rifles and pistols stop
Erskine 18203 Nov. 29." [ p. 6 ]
2. R-2 Report, Managua, 12 December 1929
(IR29.12.17, NA127/209/1)
... From CO
Esteli 4 December: Lt. Farrar and four
men cleared for Limay. Donico Arteta [Dionisio
Arteta] is jefe of small group of twelve
reported to be in vicinity of San Vicente.
Names of people forming this group are:
Jose Dolores Blandon, Angel Arteta,
Secundino Hernandez, Bernardo
Quintero, Pablo Valdivia,
Pedro Rodriguez, Felix Rodriguez,
Juan Gutierrez Rodriguez. These
men live around Colon and the Rio Negro.
Have no property and hide around Zapote near
Concordia and Miraflores Mountains.
They are part-time bandits. Have made
many efforts to get these people but they
are all related to people around Rinconada
and Colon who hide them. ... [ p. 4 ]
3. R-2 Report, Managua, 18 January 1930
(IR30.01.18, NA127/209/1)
... From
Intelligence Report Ocotal 4 January:
Dionisio Aciona Arteta, jefe of a small
group operating in the vicinity of Colon,
was killed by his bandit group on the night
of the 1st of January. Several people,
including the Administrator of Rents of
Esteli, identified the body. His death
occurred during a fight over the
distribution of money and other articles
which the group had stolen.
From CO Esteli
3 January: The body of Dionisio Arteta,
jefe of a small bandit group which has been
operating recently in vicinity of Colon and
who was reported to have been killed by his
bandit group at El Carrizo on night of 1
January to this office, arrived Esteli at
0700 with Guardia patrol sent to investigate
reported death of the bandit jefe.
Dionisio Arteta was killed at the house of
Luciano Arteta, at Carrizo over distribution
of money and other articles which the group
had stolen. He was shot three times;
once through the neck and twice through the
heart. Arteta was identified by Simon
Rodriguez, Administrator de Rentas of
Esteli; Julian Moreno; Fito Mairena; Manuel
Montoya; and Guseleio Arteta and identified
positively as the bandit Dionisio Arteta.
In addition to bullet wounds, had two large
machete cuts over left side of face and one
on each side of stomach. ... [ p. 13 ]
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Return to Document Inventory
4 March 1930. Francisco Blandón Altamirano & Roberto Vindel of
Jinotega Seized and Released by Rebels under Santos Vásquez.
In early 1930,
Sandinistas still active in Las Segovias were laying low and
awaiting their Supreme Chief's return. This report describes
the experiences of two citizens seized by rebels under Santos
Vásquez in late February in the Jinotega area and held for about 24
hours. Here again we catch glimpses of the rebels' material
poverty (forcing the captured men to exchange clothes with them,
eating only cheese and sugar), even though they reportedly had
plenty of ammunition. The report also includes an intriguing
hint about the spy networks being built by the Marines & Guardia:
the report was submitted by an informant code-named "A-1," who
appears several other times in the documents. The rebel jefe,
Santos Vasquez, was a protégé
of Pedron -- as were more than a dozen other local jefes in the
department of Jinotega.
(Photograph of the Tuma Valley in the mid-1980s, www.yachana.org/reports/nicawfp/)
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... GN-3 Memorandum 4 March: A-1 reports
following information received from Francisco Blandon
Altamirano and Robert Vindel of Jinotega, who were captured
by the bandits at 1300 21 February and released 1400 22
February near San Marcos. Altamirano states that 80
men were in the group that held him. Vindel states
that 20 men were in the group that held him. Vindel
states bandits traveled all night and were in camp when
prisoners were released. Bandits took their clothing
and gave them old clothing. Bandits stated they were
enroute to Colon and would join another group there to
attack Jinotega. All bandits had rifles and some
carried pistols in addition. They had two machine
guns. Altamirano states that he had to carry bag of
ammunition that was very heavy and that bandits had plenty
of ammunition. His group led by Santos Vasquez and had
very many Honduranians. Part of this group had
ambushed Cunningham and Puller. They laid two ambushes
for Puller but he had passed point when the bandits reached
it. They had intended to ambush Cunningham in other
points but his dog had warned the Guardia. This group
splits up and operates in three groups. While they
were prisoners, bandits ate cheese and dulce [sugar] only.
...
IR 30.03.22:
10. RG127/209/1.
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Return to Document Inventory
1
September 1930. Statement of Moisés Castro, Bandit Prisoner,
Estelí.
This statement by
captured bandit Moisés Castro contains an intriguing mixture of fact
and fabrication. I call Castro a "bandit" because the evidence
shows that he was not a Sandinista, but instead a member of the gang
led by the notorious Conservative gang leader, rapist, and
ex-Guardia Juan Heriberto Rodríguez, a.k.a. "Colonel Juan Butón."
As was true of Dionisio Arteta (see above), "Colonel Butón" was a
criminal. After serving time in the National Penitentiary in
Managua for various vicious crimes, including rape and murder, he
was released on the condition he serve in the Guardia. Then,
after quitting or deserting from the Guardia, he formed a band of
his own, terrorizing the inhabitants in the district east of Estelí
before being hunted down and killed at Nance Dulce on August 6,
1930. (Photograph of Estelí area, ca. 2000,
www.hcn.zaq.ne.jp)
Moisés Castro's statement is
followed by the patrol report of Lt.
George C. Smith, who led the attack on Butón's gang at Nance Dulce
and captured Castro. It's a fascinating report, as is the
endorsement by Capt. McDonald. The strongest
evidence that these were not Sandinistas are the descriptions
of rape: as noted above, Sandino absolutely did not tolerate
rape. Another strong piece of evidence is that none of his men
had any documented affiliation with Sandinista bands.
Castro's statement
thus needs to be read with great skepticism. Just about
everything he said about Sandino was probably fabricated (e.g.,
Sandino was not wounded by airplane shrapnel at Yucapuca, but
rather, at Saraguasca; he was injured but did not take ill; he had not yet returned to Nicaragua
in March
1930; et cetera). In that sense, his tales suggest what was
popularly rumored amongst ordinary Segovianos at the time:
that Sandino had been wounded; that he camped at Chipote; etc.
Castro's statement suggests how hard it could be for the Marines &
Guardia to disentangle truth from lies in the statements of their captured
prisoners -- just as the phenomenon of "Colonel Juan Butón"
shows how robbers, rapists, and murderers exploited the
political environment created by the US invasion and occupation to commit their
heinous crimes.
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GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA
OFFICE OF THE DEPARTMENT COMMANDER,
ESTELI
1 SEPTEMBER 1930
From: The Department Commander,
Department of Esteli.
To: The Jefe
Director
Via: The Area
Commander, Northern Area, Ocotal
Subject: Statement of bandit
prisoner, Moises Castro.
1. Forwarded is statement of subject
named prisoner who was captured in contact at Nance Dulce 6
August 1930.
I have been a bandit for over two years and captured
fighting the Guardia with Colonel Buton's army at Nance
Dulce. We were only about forty strong in this
battle and the Guardia badly defeated us, captured all
our animals and killed our Chiefs, Colonel Buton and
Palmazon and all our store of ammunition.
I was
fighting by the side of General Sandino at Yucapuca when
we were attacked by six American airplanes [report
here]
and about three hundred Guardias. General Sandino
was wounded twice in this battle, once in the left leg
and once in the left shoulder. General Sandino is
in ill health and has all his men do his work for him.
He is armed with two forty-five pistols and has a doctor
who takes care of our wounded soldiers whose name is
Alejandro Herrera, who comes from Suni, Honduras.
After General Sandino was wounded at Yucapuca, Doctor
Alejandro Herrera of San Rafael del Norte, Jinotega,
treated the wounds of our General and assisted in caring
for the wounded solders. General Sandino was
wounded by one of the airplanes. Sandino's whole
left leg is stiff and he walks with difficulty.
After the planes bombed our position and the Guardias
attacked us we changed our position during the night as
the planes knew our position too well.
With our General at Yucapuca were two ex-Marines who
stay continually with Sandino and are expert
machine-gunners. One of them as been with General
Altamirano for a long time and now is a trusted jefe.
He is tall and slim, has a few freckles on his face, and
has red hair. He used to be the jefe doctor with
General Pedron. The other is tall and has dark
hair but is white the same as the red-headed ex-Marine.
I do not know their names, as we all call them by their
rank of lieutenant. Both of these ex-Marines
arrived with General Sandino from Honduras and are part
of his personal guard.
During the month of July, 1930, Sandino was camped on
the Rio Grande near Cua. After the fight Sandino
formed all the troops and Generals and told us that we
should not be discouraged by our defeat, that there
would be future activities with victory. We only
have seven machine guns, and most of the soldiers are
armed with Drag rifles and a few Springfields, but we
have a lot of trouble getting enough ammunition.
Pedro Blandon was the jefe in the fight at Los Brasiles.
The other jefes were Lopez, Ortez, Buton, and Vaquedano.
After this fight General Sandino sent us workd to
re-assemble at Chipote. Pedro Blandon is supplied
with ammunition by Antonio Altamirano who lives at Llano
el Chaguite. Antonio Cruz of Colon, a neighbor of
Antonio Altamirano provided us with food. Most of
our mounts were stolen from Ciriaco Gonzalez and Simeon
Gonzalez and others whose names I do not know, on the
Mesa of Moropotente. We take the stolen animals to
Honduras and sell them, with this money we buy arms and
ammunition.
I do not know where or whom the Generals bought the arms
from, as in our army the Generals handle all the money.
I fought against the Guardia at Yucapuca, Los Brasiles,
Saraguasca, and Nance Dulce. I have only fought
twice actually with Sandino's army, once with Colonel
Blandon and once with Colonel "Juan Buton." I had
one hundred rounds of ammunition at the battle of Nance
Dulce and a Krag rifle. These articles I threw
away when I was captured by the Esteli Guardia at the
battle of Nance Dulce. At Yucapuca we had a lot
more than two hundred well armed soldiers, and if it
were not for the airplanes, we could have captured
Jinotega.
General Sandino does not pay us in cash for wages, but
furnishes his army with clothing, arms and ammunition.
During my services I received two complete outfits of
clothing, one after the fight at Yucapuca and the other
after we returned to Chipote after the fight at Las
Brasiles. General Sandino has old camps at
Guapinol, and Pena Blanca, but his big main camps are by
the side of, and on, Chipote. The machine guns
which we have were brought to us at Chipote by a group
of Hondurans who returned to Honduras after they had
delivered the arms and ammunition to General Sandino on
11 March 1930, at Chipote on the Rio Negro. There
were three pack mules which carried six cases of
ammunition and four pack mules which brought in the
seven machine guns. I saw all this personally and
helped to unpack the mules. After the arrival of
these supplies, General Sandino issued one machine gun
to General Pedron, and one case of ammunition. The
other equipment was distributed among Pedro Blandon,
Colonel Peralta, Candelario Altamirano, and the other
chiefs (Thinks this man son of Pedron.)
We have a lot of women at Chipote who do our cooking.
General Sandino did not bring his woman with him to
Nicaragua but left her in Honduras, but after he was
wounded he went back to get her again. We use
mainly the La Rica crossing of the Rio Negro to Chipote
and from Chipote there is nothing to stop us from
crossing into and from Honduras at will. Our main
supply of beef we have to get around the edge of
Jinotega and Esteli border as it is very scarce further
north. Most of our men are well fed and do not go
hungry. When we go out on patrol to get horses and
cattle we carry our rations of tortillas and dried meat
in our sacks, as we have strict orders not to waste time
while cooking meals in strange houses, and where we do
not know the people well. Every person north of
Esteli are our friends and help us when necessary, but
in Esteli almost every time we try to get horses and
cattle we have had to fight, and run, and lose all of
our animals. We do not like to have to enter the
Esteli area but we have to, in order to supply the big
main armies at Chipote with food.
/s/ Moises Castro
/s/ D. McDonald
Ancillary Document
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August 8, 1930.
Contact Report of Lt. G. C. Smith, Esteli, with
endorsement by Capt. McDonald.
GUARDIA NACIONAL
DE NICARAGUA
OFFICE OF THE
DEPARTMENT COMMANDER, ESTELI
8 August 1930
From:
2ndo. Tnte. George C. Smith, Jr., G.N. Esteli.
To:
The Jefe Director, G.N., Managua
Via:
Official Channels.
Subject:
Contact Report.
1. On the night of 4
August 1930 information was given me from
refugees who arrived in large numbers, that
Pedro Blandon with four other jefes and a group
estimated at one hundred twenty-five bandits had
sacked all the fincas in the Carao area
(48.4 - 24.3), on the previous night 3 August
1930.
2. I immediately ordered
Lt. John M. Cobb G.N. and seven enlisted with
one sub-Thompson and rifle with grenades from La
Trinidad to Esteli, who arrived Esteli at 2320
same night. Upon authorization from the
Area Commander, I cleared with a combat patrol
with Lt. Cobb and twenty-five enlisted all
mounted, at 0500, 5 August 1930. We
proceeded directly to Carao, where information
was gained that the bandit group had split,
Pedro Blandon heading north and Juan Boton
heading south. My informant stated that
Boton was close, as he had raided haciendas on
night of 4 August, the area southeast of Carao.
We continued the march southeast, across the
Zapote mountains, arriving at dawn 6 August 1930
at finca of Epifanio Herrera, abut two leagues
east of Sacasti (11.4-H.3, 5th Regt Spl Map of
Nic), in the Department of Jinotega. Men
and animals rested here about three hours.
We found this entire area devastated, the women
beaten and raped and the houses burned.
3. We proceeded in the
general direction of Matagalpa from Herrera's
finca, arriving at the finca of Geronimo Rizo,
about one half league from Nance Dulce (12-H) at
1100. A boy of about fourteen years of age
was found here, who, after being threatened with
death, admitted knowing the position of the
bandit camp, and agreed to lead us to it.
We approached the bandit position which was
located on the top of a small rise almost
impenetrable on account of heavy brush and thorn
bushes, from the West. About a mile from
this point I ordered the men to dismount and
proceeded forward on foot, leaving two men
guarding the animals. When abut five
hundred yards from the enemies position, I
divided my force into three groups, giving Sgto.
Melendez the left flank Lt. Cobb the center and
taking the right flank myself. After
covering about half the distance, Lt. Cobb's
party came in sight of the bandits in their
camp, and at once opened fire. The
bandits, although completely surprised,
immediately returned our fire, retreating to the
east. I at once ordered a general advance,
the attack being covered by the Lewis machine
gun fire on the right flank, and rifle grenade
fire on the front and left flank. We
pursued the fleeing bandits for about a mile and
a half to the east along a three hundred yard
front. The firing, which lasted
approximately two hours, finally ceased, and I
ordered the men to assemble on me, as all were
completely exhausted -- and hand, faces, and
uniforms were badly torn and scratched due to
the heavy thorny brush on the ground the
engagement was fought over. I called the
roll and found none dead, wounded or missing.
I then instituted a search of the field.
Six dead bandits and one wounded were found.
The wounded one gave his name as Guillermo Meza
and stated that the group numbered forty-five,
that General Juan Boton, Colonel Palmazon, and
Pedro Salgado were the jefes. He
identified Boton and Palmazon amongst the dead.
The following articles were captured from the
dead bandits and from the site of their camp:
2 Krag
Rifles #473878 & #179325 with ammunition
belts.
43 Rounds,
Ammunition Cal 30 Krag rifle.
2 Long
barreled shot-guns, with pouches and large
supply of powder, caps and balls.
9 Mules, 6
horses with complete riding equipment and
blanket rolls with numerous articles of
clothing.
6
Revolvers -- two Smith and Wesson, Two Colt,
and Two Spanish, each with ammunition belt
and holster.
36 Rounds, in
all, pistol ammunition.
1 Automatic
Lugar, with attachable shoulder butt, and
six magazines
3 Dynamite
bombs -- 8 Red and Black Hat Bands.
9 Rain Coats,
rubber -- 3 flash lights -- 8 Brass Hilted
Honduranian Cutachas.
Numerous
articles of Guardia uniforms and equipment
marked with the number #1261.
4. Boton was killed
during the first few minutes of the combat, by a
direct hit through the heart, fired by Raso
Pastor Rodriguez, #3220 at a range of 250 yards.
A careful search of the scene for dead and
wounded bandits was impracticable due to the
exceedingly heavy under-brush and thorns.
However, Torencio Herrera, a native living near
Nance Dulce reported to me at Esteli on 7 August
1930 that he had found bodies of six dead
bandits near the scene of the combat, badly
eaten by buzzards. It was estimated, at
the time, that twelve bandits had been wounded,
taking into consideration the numerous signs of
blood and the evidence of the captured bandit.
5. We cleared the scene
of the contact, after the mounts had been
brought up and six dead bandits and loot had
been packed on the captured animals.
Geronimo Rizo, known bandit and member of
Boton's group, was captured hiding in a corn
field about one mile West of Nance Dulce, and
was brought prisoner to Esteli. The patrol
arrived Esteli at 2000, 6 August 1930. The
dead bandits were put on exhibition in the park
for all to see, and the two captives securely
locked in the brig. Boton and Palmazon
were recognized many times by over two thousand
people who viewed their bodies, and who were
very much elated over the death of these two
men. Some of the women who had been raped
by these same two men a few days previously were
among the onlookers. A committee of
citizens from Esteli and the surrounding
countryside called in a body at the Cuartel and
offered congratulations to all Guardia.
All loot captured, except the arms and
ammunition, has been returned to the respective
owners.
6. 2do Tnte. John M. Cobb,
G.N., Sgto Octavio Melendez #1190, Cabo Bernardo
Molina #1203, Raso Aquilino Lopez #1222, Raso
Pastor Rodriguez #3220, and Raso Pedro Rodriguez
#1125, are worthy of special citation, which I
will cover in a separate letter.
7. The patrol was armed
with one Lewis Machine-gun, one sub-Thompson
Machine-gun, two Springfield rifles with
grenades and dischargers, and hand grenades.
8. Total distance
covered by patrol 63 miles.
/s/ George C. Smith, Jr.
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- -
GUARDIA NACIONAL
DE NICARAGUA
OFFICE OF THE
DEPARTMENT COMMANDER, ESTELI
8 August 1930
From:
The Department Commander, Dept. of Esteli,
Esteli, Nic.
To:
The Jefe Director, G.N., Managua, Nic.
Via:
The Area Commander, Northern Area, Ocotal, Nic.
1. Forwarded.
2. It is recommended
that Second Lieutenant George C. Smith, G.N. be
awarded the Navy Cross, for his excellent
leadership and skill which he demonstrated on
this occasion, which resulted in the killing of
bandit General Juan Heriberto Rodriguez and
Colonel Palmazon. The first named bandit
leader, alias Juan Boton, has committed many
atrocious crimes, mostly against young girls
ranging from eight to ten years of age. On
the day prior to his death, he raped a small
girl eight years of age at Moropotente,
Department of Esteli. His group ransacked
the surrounding countryside and was the cause of
many farmers abandoning their farms, and was
returning from an animal stealing excursion from
Matagalpa when he and his group were attacked by
Lieutenants Smith and Cobbs patrol. His
death is a serious blow to organized banditry
and a great relief to womanhood of this
vicinity. Boton was identified by the Jefe
Politico, District Criminal Judge and many other
citizens of Esteli. Buton had a large
machete scar on the back of his neck, by which
means he was positively identified, and his
family also stated that there was no doubt that
was the body of Juan Buton. Buton was an
old Guardia and an excellent Lewis machine gun
man, and prior to turning bandit resided in
Esteli.
/s/ D. McDonald.
RG127/202/10/52.0
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Return to Document Inventory
18
September 1930. Declaration of Private Juan Echevarria, G.N., on
the Second Telpaneca Mutiny of October 21, 1929.
This eyewitness
account of the "Second Telpaneca Mutiny" of October 21, 1929 sheds
important light on one of the war's most widely-discussed episodes.
The background to the mutiny is complicated, rooted in the First
Telpaneca Mutiny of October 6, 1929, when about 2:00 a.m., a group
of disgruntled Guardia enlisted men, led by First Sergeant Fernando
Larios (Jr.) shot and killed Guardia Second Lieutenant Lewis H.
Trogler (a sergeant in the Marine Corps). Larios's father was
a leading Conservative who had just been exiled by the Liberal
Moncada administration. The events of the two mutinies, and
the reasons behind them, were discussed and debated in the
newspapers, in Marine & Guardia mess halls, and in public
conversation for years afterward. Of the ten Guardia
mutinies from 1927 to 1932, the Telpaneca mutinies became the most notorious and
well-remembered. (Illustration: anonymous
comment on one of the first reports of the First Telpaneca Mutiny,
which mistakenly attributed Lt. Trogler's death to "bandits believed
to be Ortez' group"; M29.10.06; RG127/202/51)
The episode highlights
a key issue in Segovian political life during these years: the
tenuous nature of political identities and allegiances. The
mutineers clearly did not put much stock in their identity as
Guardia, or in their organization, or in their superior officers. In Echevarria's telling, the soldiers mutinied because their commanding
officer, Lt. Trogler, refused them permission to attend a town
dance. Furious, Sgt Salinas killed him, locked the two other Marines (Lts.
Levonski and Rimes) in the jailhouse, looted the houses and stores,
and hightailed it out of town -- forcing the narrator, on pain of
death, to do his bidding. It's a fascinating blend of fact and
fabrication. Other sources offer different versions of events.
The leader of this
second mutiny, Sergeant Adrian Salinas, went on to become an
important Sandinista jefe. The Sandinistas repeatedly tried to
persuade their countrymen in the Guardia to abandoned their units
and join the Defending Army. They met with some success, but not
nearly what was needed to turn the tide of the war decisively in
their favor.
Additional
sources on the events of the two Telpaneca mutinies are listed after Private Juan Echevarría's statement.
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CUARTEL GENERAL, DEPARTAMENTO DE LEON
GUARDIA NACIONAL DE NICARAGUA
LEON, NICARAGUA
18 de Septiembre de 1930
DECLARACION DEL RASO JUAN ECHEVERRIA, #2293, G. N., DESERTOR
DE TELPANECA, 21 de Octubre de 1929.
El Teniente Rimes me llevaba preso a Telpaneca en ruta al
Ocotal. Yo estaba preso con los rasos Juan José
Baltodano, José Moya, y José Maria Tenorio, en la bartolina
de la Guardia de Telpaneca. El dia siguiente han
llegado el Sargento Salinas, Carlos Cedeño, Horacio Lacayo, y
Enrique Sánchez, a sacarnos de la bartolina donde estabamos
prisioneros, para meter presos a los Tenientes Rimes y el
Teniente Levonski. Delante el Teniente Rimes y el
Teniente Levonski, nos ha mandado el Sargento Salinas a
equiparnos de nuevo. Y como nosotros le dijimos a él
que no nos metiamos porque no sabiamos que pasaba allí,
entonces nos ha contestado él que el que no quisiera meterse
iba a ser fusilado allí no más junto con los Tenientes.
Entonces nosotros hemos tenido que hacerle caso, como
estabamos prisioneros, tuvimos que obedecerle. A esas
horas ellos nos han mandado de retenes en contorno del
pueblo, para que no dejaramos salir a ningún particular ni a
ningún guardia y que el Guardia que llegara allí y se
opusiera que lo tiraramos. Entonces ha salido el
Sargento Salinas con toda la Guardia a las cuatro de la
tarde encabezando como Jefes Adrian Salinas, Carlos Cedeño
llevaba el sombrero del Teniente, Enrique Sánchez, Alberto
Toledo, Horacio Lacayo, quien fue muerto por la policía de
Tegucigalpa. Enrique Sánchez se encuentra ahora en
Tegucigalpa, en el Pueblo de Comayagüela, Carlos Gaboardi,
está en Puerto Cortez, y las máquinas las ha entregado
Alejandro Plata en Tegucigalpa en el Cuartel de San
Francisco. A nosotros nos capturaron en Danlí, donde
nos ha enseñado un telegrama del Jefe Director de la Guardia
Nacional de Nicaragua, que tenian orden de captura, para
todos los guardias sublevados de Telpaneca, y de recoger las
armas. Entonces nos ha dicho a los tres que teníamos
que ir a entregar las armas y como yo me encontrera enfermo
le dije que no podia ir yo, y se ha llevado a Gaboardi y a
García al Valle del Nanci donde los ha colgado de los dedos
gordos para que dijesen donde estaban las armas, como ellos
se opusieran a no decir, los ha querido fusilar allí no más,
pero quizo la suerte que en esos momentos un ayudante de
Alejandro Plata tropezó con dos máquinas escondidas.
Son las únicas que han hallado, porque ellos no sabian
adonde estaban las armas tampoco, porque el Sargento
Salinas, Carlos Cedeño, Horacio Lacayo, Enrique Sánchez, y
Alberto Toledo, nos han mandado adelante de toda la guardia,
despojándonos allí no más de las armas y se han quedado
escondiéndolas, estando toda la Guardia como una legua
distante. Ya de allí nos fuimos sin armas y dentramos
a Danlí, donde nos hemos desapartado. Quedándonos
solos Gaboardi, García y yo, los demás se fueron hasta
Tegucigalpa, donde han permanecido durante todo este tiempo
libremente.
Nosotros nos fugamos de Tegucigalpa y fuimos a varias partes
de Honduras, en cuanto salimos nosotros de allí y de la
Penitenciaria de Tegucigalpa, Gaboardi se fué hasta Puerto
Cortez, García se desapartó de nostros, y yo he venido
luchando para venirme para acá a presentarme, porque en mi
conciencia creo no tener delito, porque he sido impulsado
por las armas.
Nosotros nos dimos cuenta de la sublevación hasta como a las
siete de la mañana del día que se fueron los guardias,
cuando vinieron allí a la bartolina a abrir la puerta para
meter a los Tenientes. De mí pueden dar una
declaración el Teniente Rimes, y el Tieniente Levonski, que
yo no me he portado mal con ninguno de ellos en ninguna
parte del camino. Yo me habia ido del Jícaro y me
habian capturado en Pueblo Nuevo, el Teniente Torrez y nos
ha ido a dejar él a Palacagüina, donde he llegado el
Teniente Rimes con diez números que iba para Telpaneca y de
Telpaneca se iba ir él al Ocotal. Entonces el Teniente
Torres nos ha entregado a él, para que nos llevase al
Ocotal, y como el tenia que pasar por Telpaneca. Alli
en Telpaneca nos ha entregado a la Guardia como prisioneros.
El día siguiente a las siete de la mañana han llegado
Salinas, Cedeño, Sánchez, Lacayo y Toledo y cuando nos
sacaron de la bartolina que nos han contado que ellos habian
hecho eso con los Tenientes, porque el practicante que comía
donde la concinera de los Tenientes sabía hablar el Inglés y
les habia odio en su platica a los Tenientes, que llegaba el
Teniente Rimes con esos diez numeros a relevar diez de los
que estaban en Telpaneca que habian sido los mas interesados
en la muerte de Trogler. Entonces ellos para no
esperar que los fueran a mandar prisioneros, habian ido a
prender a los Tenientes donde ellos estaban tomando café.
Los más interesados eran Sánchez, Salinas, Cedeño, Toledo y
Lacayo. Nos contaron que ellos le habian pedido un
permiso al Teniente Trogler para hacer un baile, y como
ellos se alistaronde todo y el Teniente Trogler el día que
iba a ser el baile, les ha dicho que ningún guardia salia a
la calle. Entonces ellos se han puesto muy enojados
con el Teniente, y han dispuesto a la una de la madrugada
poner en linea de fuego a toda la guardia disparando como si
fuese que el enemigo estaba entrando el pueblo, entonces se
han ido Lacayo, Cedeño y Toledo, a despertar al Teniente y
le han dicho, "Teniente, levántese que el enemigo esta
entrando a la población". El Teniente se ha levantado
envuelto en una frezada, cuando el ha salido afuera, Horacio
Lacayo le ha disparado y le ha matado.
Horacio Lacayo y Enrique Sánchez andaban paseandose en las
calles de Tegucigalpa el 24 de Diciembre de 1929, cuando los
ha encontrado la policía, queriéndolos registrar.
Entonces Enrique Sánchez ha sacado la pistola que el andaba
adentro de la camisa y la ha amperado dentro del paraguas.
Luego lo registraron y no le encontraron nada.
Entonces la Policía pasó a registrar a Lacayo, en lo que la
Policía pasó a registrar a Lacayo, Enrique Sánchez se ha
metido en una cantina, dejando alzada la pistola.
Horacio Lacayo como se viera solo no se dejó registrar y
siguió caminando para atrás, desenvolviendo la pistola y
haciendole disparos a la Policía. Se les ha corrido
desde el puente de Guaserisque hasta el ovelisco, allí le ha
salido el resto de la policía y le han hecho unos disparos y
le han quitado la escuadra, después que le quitaron la
escuadra, le han pegado tres balazos mas, quedando muerto
Lacayo.
/s/ Juan R. Echevarria
M30.09.18. RG127/209/3.
Ancillary Documents
|
Additional References to the Telpaneca Mutinies,
Oct 6 & 21, 1929
1. Julian C. Smith, History of the
Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua, unpublished
mss., Marine Corps Historical Center, pp.
111-115.
Telpaneca (First)
At about 2:00 a.m., on October 6, 1929,
Second Lieutenant Lewis H. Trogler, G.N.
(Sergeant, USMC), Commanding Officer of the
Guardia Nacional garrison at Telpaneca,
Nueva Segovia, was shot to death in the town
of Telpaneca by mutinous members of his
command. The mutiny had been carefully
planned and involved the entire garrison,
although some were unwilling participants.
A written agreement had been drawn up by
First Sergeant Fernando Larios, hijo, as
leader, and five others, and signed by them
on October 3rd, providing that Lieutenant
Trogler, who was the only officer serving in
Telpaneca, was to be killed, and, as
circumstances permitted, all other North
American officers, as a sign of their
opposition to the "American occupation" of
Nicaraguan territory. All other
members of the garrison of twenty-three
enlisted, signed the document, either
voluntarily, or through fear for their
personal safety if they refused. In
each case a seal was placed opposite the
signature, made from the blood of the
respective individual, obtained by cutting
and squeezing his thumb. Some of these
signers had not read the document and had no
knowledge as to its contents.
It appears that First Sergeant Larios, and
one of the other conspirators who was a
corporal, had been recommended for reduction
by Lieutenant Trogler, and that both knew of
this. Larios was undoubtedly the prime
mover, and there is a strong probability
that he was actuated also by other personal
and political motives. He had been a
Conservative prior to joining the Guardia,
and his father Fernando Larios, padre, a
leader of the Conservative element, had been
exiled only shortly theretofore by the
Liberal Government. His antipathy for
North Americans had not been revealed
previously, but became apparent by his
actions during the signing of the pact of
blood and during the subsequent mutiny.
It was related by witnesses that he
gleefully viewed the body of Lieutenant
Trogler, and that he refused permission to
civilians who desired to hold a wake over
it. Several letters were found in the
possession of Larios which boldly stated his
hatred of foreigners.
There was dissatisfaction among some of the
enlisted members of the command over a dance
given by Lieutenant Trogler for the civilian
population of Telpaneca on the night of
October 5th. No Guardia was invited,
and it has been said that Lieutenant Trogler
had stated that the guardias were of a lower
social status than his intended guests, and
that on this account he had not invited them
to participate. Some were disgruntled
because they had been sent by Lieutenant
Trogler to carry chairs from other houses to
the scene of the party, and they believed
that they should not have been so employed:
that in so doing they were being utilized in
the capacity of servants. A concerted
effort was made by various guardias to
induce the civilians not to attend the
fiesta, intimating that some untoward event
might occur there.
It was planned by the mutineers to simulate
a bandit attack and to kill Lieutenant
Trogler as he was returning to his quarters
from the fiesta. To make it appear
true in case of an investigation, men were
stationed at various points throughout the
town, with orders to open fire when they
heard firing going on. That afternoon
a civilian agent of First Sergeant Larios
reported to Lieutenant Trogler, in
accordance with Lario's instructions that a
bandit attack on the town would take place
that night. It does not appear that
Lieutenant Trogler took any extraordinary
precautions that night as to the security of
the town.
Because of the fact that he returned from
the dance about 1:30 a.m., in company with a
prominent civilian, Lieutenant Trogler was
not fired upon at that time. However,
soon after reaching his quarters the
simulated attack commenced, and weapons were
trained and fired upon the doorway of the
officers' quarters, through which Lieutenant
Trogler emerged and safely ran across the
street to the barracks. He then
started in the direction of the church plaza
where some of the defensive works were
located, doubtless with the intention of
directing the defense, when he was struck
and killed.
Throughout the balance of the night sporadic
firing took place, but it has been
definitely established that no bandits
attacked Telpaneca that night, and that the
simulation of an attack was planned and
carried out as a smoke-screen to hide the
real purpose of the mutineers, the killing
of Lieutenant Trogler. Having
accomplished this object, no attempts were
made to loot or commit other violence, and
no one of the command deserted.
Proof of the complicity of First Sergeant
Larios in the plot to mutiny was lacking at
the time, but a strong suspicion rested upon
him, and he was soon transferred to Ocotal,
the Area Headquarters station. He was
relieved by Sergeant Adrian Salinas, but his
influence was to be felt within a short time
in a second mutiny at Telpaneca. He
was later tried before a general
court-martial and convicted, when the
investigation of the Second Telpaneca mutiny
brought to light the facts as to the first.
Telpaneca
(Second)
Following the death of Lieutenant Trogler,
Second Lieutenant Charles J. Levonski, G.N.
(Sergeant, USMC), was assigned to duty as
Commanding Officer, Guardia Nacional, at
Telpaneca, and assumed command. He was
a capable, energetic and likeable officer,
and the morale of the command seemed to
improve. For two weeks he observed
nothing which indicated to him that the men
would not remain loyal.
Rumors were received from Ocotal by the men
to the effect that First Sergeant Larios had
been executed as a punishment for his part
in the mutiny of October 6th. This was
untrue but was believed by some of them.
A newspaper published in Managua, La Prensa,
at this time carried an article on the
subject of the infliction of the death
penalty upon members of the Guardia Nacional
guilty of certain acts, and was read and
discussed in Telpaneca. It should be
remembered that practically the entire
command at this station remained unchanged,
and that they had just recently participated
in a mutiny following the signing of the
Larios Pact of Blood, and had treacherously
murdered their Commanding Officer,
Lieutenant Trogler. Unrest and a
feeling of apprehension lest they be
discovered and awarded the death penalty,
filled the minds of the men.
A fatal error was made in not relieving at
least fifty percent of the command and
replacing them with other men of known
integrity, immediately after the death of
Lieutenant Trogler, as a matter of
precaution if for no other reason, and
especially as, even at that time, the
circumstances surrounding the affair, with
its "bandit attack" which everyone doubted,
and other inconsistencies that pointed to
mutiny, were sufficiently evident to warrant
such action, particularly when one considers
the isolated location of Telpaneca in the
mountains, the lack of communications and
the impossibility of bringing prompt relief
in case of necessity. It was not until
October 20th that a patrol under the command
of Second Lieutenant James C. Rimes
(Sergeant, USMC) arrived at Telpaneca via
Palacaguina with ten replacements for the
station. The patrol was composed of
seventeen enlisted, all but two of whom were
recruits.
The rumors of the execution of First
Sergeant Larios and discussion of the
newspaper article on the death penalty,
brought to the minds of enlisted men and
civilians in Telpaneca the thought, which
soon became a thoroughly believed
conviction, that the ten men ordered
replaced and transferred were going to
Ocotal to be executed for their part in the
recent mutiny.
It was established later that one of the
members of Lieutenant Rimes' patrol carried
a letter from First Sergeant Larios in
Ocotal to Sergeant Salinas, who had relieved
him as Acting First Sergeant at Telpaneca,
and who had previously served with him and
was a good friend of his. This letter
was not recovered, but it is known that
Salinas announced to various of his men,
following the second Telpaneca mutiny, that
Larios would join the column of mutineers on
the trail near Santo Domingo, between
Telpaneca and San Juan de Telpaneca, and
that Salinas and his group waited for him at
this point until it became evident to them
that he was not going to arrive.
It is highly probable that Larios' letter
also contained plans, or suggestions, for
another mutiny of the garrison at Telpaneca,
and it may have been he who suggested the
idea of the intended execution of the ten
men being transferred, in order to induce
Salinas and the others to carry out his
plans for this mutiny, a continuation of his
pact of blood scheme to kill North American
officers and to demonstrate opposition to
the presence of these officers in Nicaragua.
At any rate Sergeant Salinas, who
theretofore had been a mild mannered company
clerk, seemingly trustworthy and incapable
of becoming the leader of a revolt (he had
been Captain Burwell's sole body-guard on
numerous pay trips earlier that year to the
outlying stations of the Department of
Managua and Carazo), held a meeting of
various members of the command about 12:30
a.m., October 21st, and formulated plans for
a mutiny. Salinas named himself as a
colonel.
At 6:50 a.m., that same morning while
Lieutenants Levonski and Rimes were about to
have breakfast, they were surprised by six
armed guardias, three having entered the
house via the front door and three from the
rear. Lieutenant Rimes was not armed;
Lieutenant Levonski was disarmed, and both
were taken prisoner, marched to the Guardia
brig and confined. Expostulations on
the part of the officers were silenced with
threats of immediate death if they continued
talking.
Lieutenant Rimes had intended clearing for
Ocotal with his patrol at 7:30 a.m., had
given the necessary orders for the movement,
and,, before going to breakfast, had noted
that the men were getting themselves and the
animals ready. These men knew nothing
about the plans of the mutineers, and were
as much surprised at the events which
transpired as the two officers. Some
attempted to leave town, but were
apprehended, and all were forced, through
fear of death, to stand watches and to
accompany the group when they cleared town
later that day.
The mutineers at once placed sentinels over
all trails leading out of town, also machine
guns, destroyed the radio set and threw it
into the river, and ordered the inhabitants
to close their doors and not to leave their
homes. Groups then looted the
principal stores and private residences for
money and merchandise, and secured animals
upon which to carry their stolen goods.
Guardia Nacional funds, and the cash,
clothing and jewelry of the officers was
taken, and all Guardia property, including
machine guns, automatic weapons, grenades,
ammunition, etc., was gathered together to
be taken along. The services of
various male civilians were impressed for
the loading of the pack animals, and later
for help in the crossing of the Rio Coco
just below town, in boats.
About noon two Marine Corps planes passed
over Telpaneca and made a drop of official
and personal correspondence. The
aviation panels at the station had been
permanently laid out, and one of the
mutineers, dressed in Lieutenant Rimes'
uniform, recovered the drop, so that there
was nothing apparent to the pilots that
anything irregular was going on.
During the entire day the two officers
remained in confinement, without food and
hourly expecting to be taken out and shot.
A record of events and some of their
thoughts, written by them, was later found
on the cell wall.
About 5:00 p.m., the officers were removed
from confinement, and taken, with hands tied
and lead-rope around their necks, to the
river. They were accompanied by all
members of the mutinous group, including
both the regular garrison and Lieutenant
Rimes' patrol, the cargo and animals.
At this time they begged the mutineers to
shoot them at once, for they feared torture.
The crossing of the river was completed at
about 7:00 p.m., and many bulky articles
were left behind at this point, due either
to haste and lack of direction or to
insufficient animal transportation.
However, all machine guns, automatic weapons
and ammunition were taken.
The column continued the march all night,
and at daybreak arrived at the Polanco ranch
near Santo Domingo Valley. A number of
the men who did not wish to accompany the
mutineers were able to escape during the
night, and did so. The following day
others deserted the column as the
opportunity presented itself.
Lieutenants Levonski and Rimes were told by
Salinas that they were going to be killed.
Salinas, however, was courteous at all
times, stood at attention when addressing
them, and shared his food and drink with
them.
One of the men agreed to assist the officers
to escape, but lost heart and disappeared
from the column alone. Later, about
8:00 p.m., Levonski and Rimes found a
favorable moment when an accident to a cargo
caused a halt and a separation of the force
into two groups. They escaped and
rushed precipitously up a side trail and
into the brush, becoming separated almost
immediately. Levonski sprained his
ankle, but both encountered some of the
loyal men, and with them returned to
Telpaneca, Rimes arriving first.
Practically all of the personnel papers of
Lieutenant Rimes' patrol, and a few of the
original Telpaneca garrison, reported in
either Telpaneca or at Palacaguina.
The balance continued on and made their way
to Honduras, where the arms and ammunition
were confiscated, and the men jailed
temporarily. They were not returned to
Nicaragua.
2. Excerpts from Roswell Winans, USMC,
Patrol Report, Apali, Nic., 28 Oct 1929,
NA127/212/1.
... 6.
No information at San Juan on our return.
Night of the 26th Lt Hooper obtained
information to the effect that a man who had
been in Telpaneca at the time of the mutiny
was out in the country a mile. He was
brought in Sunday morning his statement
follows:
Name Lucio Nulgado - was impressed as a
guide at Telpaneca to guide the mutineers to
San Juan. The officers were captured
Monday at 0700. The people of the town
worked all day packing animals with loot.
They forced various people to give up about
$1000.00 in cash. From 0700 to 1300
all doors were required to be closed.
They crossed the Coco at the lower crossing,
Mutineers and loot in a boat - swimming the
animals. Cusuli trail - decided to go
to Santo Domingo. Officers were
walking arms tied down to their sides --
necks connected with a rope. They were
in the center of the column. Lucio the
civilian with them. Went to Santo
Domingo -- then to Potreros -- took them all
night to get to Potreros -- arrived at 0600
-- Lola Matamoros house is at Potreros --
let him go at Potreros -- returned toward
Telpaneca he staid Tuesday night at the
house of Adan Melgara. He saw one of
the officers returning with some of the
Guardia to Telpaneca and heard that the
other one had been released also and had
returned with more men. He saw them at
1300 Wednesday. The jefe in charge of
the mutineers was Salinas -- the second
jefe, Navarro -- third jefe was Sedeno.
The reason they went so slow the first night
was that they had so much cargo. They
were twelve hours getting to Potreros --
three hours normal travel from Telpaneca --
they were not drinking -- though they took
whiskey from the town -- they had no
intention of killing the officers at the
time but were taking them to Honduras, the
reason that some of them turned back was
that even when they left Telpaneca, they
were unwilling to go. The guide from
Potreros -- he did not know but was probably
one of the Polanco brothers, of whom there
are three and each of them has a house
there. Probably their trail would be
via Barillal-Jamisco-Suscallon-Ula. He
could give no satisfactory reason why he did
not promptly report the movements of the
mutineers, but it is believed that he was so
glad and grateful to get away with his life
as they would just as well have killed him,
that he did not wish to make a report or was
afraid to. ..
3. Gen.
D. C. McDougal to Capt. Wm. W. Scott, Charges
and Specifications in the Case of Fernando
Larios, First Sergeant, Number 45, Guardia
Nacional de Nicaragua, 3 Dec. 1929, NA127/198/1.
... 1.
The above named man will be tried before the
Consejo de Guerra General of which you are
the Judge Advocate, upon the following
charges and specifications. You will
notify the president of the court
accordingly, inform the accused of the date
set for his trial, and summon all witnesses,
both for the prosecution and the defense.
CHARGE I. (acquitted) [
Premeditated murder of First Lt. Lewis H.
Trogler]
CHARGE II. (guilty) [
Mutiny against Trogler on Oct 5, 1929 ].
CHARGE III. (acquitted)
"... did, on or about Oct. 3, 1929, in the
Guardia Barracks at the said Telpaneca, use
provoking, reproachful, and intimidating
words, gestures, and menaces toward Corporal
Francisco Miranda, #1863, Guardia Nacional,
serving at the Guardia Barracks aforesaid,
by saying to the Corporal Francisco Miranda
... "anyone who does not sign this paper
with his own blood with go to Eternity," or
words to that effect ... [ remainder of
specifications not proved ]
|
|
Return to Document Inventory
23 September 1930. Surrender of Feliciano Centeno Altamirano from
Pedrón's Band.
This
statement by surrendered Sandinista private Feliciano Centeno
Altamirano, age 26, accompanied by several newspaper articles
describing the event -- including one that includes another, pretty
extensive statement to the press -- sheds additional light on the
state of the rebellion after Sandino's return in May 1930.
Centeno's claim that he was forced to fight with Altamirano's group
(statement of Sept 23) is contradicted by what he told the press a
few days later, where he acknowledged that he'd taken up "banditry"
out of desperation born of hunger and unemployment. His
defense of Pedrón is also noteworthy, as is the fact that his
surrender was considered important enough that he'd be meeting with
the president of the republic and the director of the Guardia to
talk about it. The mainstream press played up the story.
It decried Sandino's "organized banditry" and hungered for good news
on a depressing topic. At least once he's a "general."
Centeno claimed that
Sandino's support was crumbling, that morale was low and his men saw
him as a deceiver. He was wrong. Despite the hardships
suffered by the guerrilla forces -- accurately described here -- in
fact Sandinista activity was picking up dramatically. This is
the beginning of the peak period of Sandinismo in Las Segovias (June
1930-Dec 1932). Campesinos across much of the region became
Sandinista supporters, funneling them food, information, and other
resources. The reasons were complex -- Sandino's return from a
year's exile in Mexico (May 1930); the
deleterious effects of the worldwide economic depression; and
mounting resentments against the US invasion and occupation --
resentments in turn created by the Marine & Guardia
counter-insurgency strategy of blanketing the countryside with
violence. These crucial contexts are, of course, largely
effaced in what follows.
|
Jinotega, Nicaragua
23 Sept. 1930.
Feliciano Centeno Altamirano states: That he was a
private in the Altamirano group but was forced to bear
arms, his life was threatened if he did not. He
joined them about May 1930. He was in Saraguasca
with Sandino in June, he was only with the Altamirano
group. Altamirano is Sandino's second in command.
Ismael Peralta, Santos Vasquez, Daniel Hernandez,
Ruperto Hernandez and Sebastian Centeno are sub-jefes of
the Altamirano group. We always lived with his
mother in Altamirano's camps. He left them because
he had never wanted to be a bandit, states that they
live in constant fear, running [from] the Guardia.
He had known Lieut. Lee previous to joining the bandits,
but never heard his name mentioned by any of the
bandits. He further states that the mentioned
bandit forces were organized by Sandino and divided into
several groups under Ortez, Peralta, Gonzalez, Blandon,
and Villegas, Sandino and Altamirano with about thirty
men proceeded to Los Sitios de Bilan and remained there
until they were attacked by the Guardia in August, was
at this time Centeno ran away from them and came to
Jinotega. In this camp was only Altamirano with
his family and about eight men, Sandino was camped about
four or five hundred yards above the Altamirano camp
with about twenty-two men, Altamirano was not wounded,
Centeno, saw him run away. At this time Santos
Vasquez was with Ortez, he later learned that Vasquez
was wounded at La Independencia. Santos Benavillo
[Santos Benavides, or, Santos Lopez] was also wounded at
La Independencia. Pedro Irias [Pedro Antonio Irias]
was also with Ortez's column. Does not know where
Sandino and Altamirano are at present time, states that
they are constantly on the move, never remaining more
than one night in the same place.
The men are badly in need of clothing, they eat
plantains, bananas and meat when it can be found, but
often suffer from hunger, the morale of the men is very
low and many are deserting because they say Sandino is
only a deceiver. Does not know of any casualties
in the fight in Bilan. He went with Altamirano on
the expedition to the East Coast in May, went to Wauni,
Neptune, and Siuna with one hundred men, they brought
back about twelve boxes of dynamite, about twenty-five
or thirty pounds per box and one bar of gold 2" x 2" x
8", the expected to get $500.00 for it. The gold
was sent to Mexico by a man named Raudales [Ramon
Raudales], to a man called Dr. Zepeda, whom he had heard
mentioned as Sandino's agent in Mexico. On
Altamirano's return from the expedition east he received
a letter saying that Sandino was coming and ordering
Altamirano to go and meet him in the mountains north of
the Pantasma. Fifteen men came with Sandino armed
with pistols and one TSMG. Centeno was with
Altamirano when he, Altamirano, went to meet Sandino.
In reply to a question as to what in detail, the men in
Pedro Altamirano's camp were doing at the time [of]
Captain Good's attack, Feliciano Centeno Altamirano
stated that they were playing musical instruments, and
other details known to be in accordance with the facts.
It therefore appears that he was without doubt in Pedro
Altamirano's camp at the time of the attack.
/s/ C. B. Matthews, Colonel, G.N.
Commandante del Area Central.
M30.09.23. RG127/192/1.
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September 1930. Newspaper Articles on
Surrender of Feliciano Centeno Altamirano.
1. La Prensa (Managua), 19
September 1930.
Feliciano Centeno Altamirano,
hijastro de Pedrón se rindió con
todo y armas
La Guardia Nacional, informó hoy que
Feliciano Centeno Altamirano, hijo
político de Pedrón Altamirano, se
presentó a la Guardia en Jinotega,
rindiendo sus armas y municiones, y
pidiendo garantías.
La Guardia dió cuenta al Presidente de
la República de la rendición de Centeno
Altamirano, y este alto funcionario
ordenó que se diesen las garantías
solicitadas sin perjuicio de mantener la
vigilancia necesaria, a fin de que
Centeno se dedique a trabajar
honradamente como lo prometa.
La rendición de Centeno Altamirano hace
suponer que Pedrón ha muerto, pues
estaba herido de gravedad en el pulmón
izquierdo.
Es notorio también que Pedrón perdió a
tres hijos en los various encuentros que
ha tenido.
RG127/192/1
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2. La Noticia (Managua), 23
September 1930.
Llegará de la
Segovia en avión el lugarteniente de Pedrón.
Se Entrevistará con el Señor Presidente Moncada
Hoy o mañana ingresará a esta
capital en un avión de la marine
procedente de Jinotega el
general Feliciano Centeno
Altamirano, hijo político y
lugargeniente de Pedrón
Altamirano, quien renunciando a
su vida anterior, acaba de
presentarse con sus armas ante
las autoridades de aquel
departamento, habiéndosele
concedido toda clase de
garantías.
El general Centeno Altamirano
viene a entrevistarse con el
señor Presidente Moncada y con
el Jefe de la Guardia Nacional
General McDougal. Se
espera que esta entrevista será
de capital importancia en
conexión con las actividades de
Sandino, Pedrón, Ortez, Salgado,
etc.
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